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MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA No. 02 Ags 2011.compressed.pdfMASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI) merupakan organisasi

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Page 1: MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA No. 02 Ags 2011.compressed.pdfMASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI) merupakan organisasi
Page 2: MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA No. 02 Ags 2011.compressed.pdfMASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI) merupakan organisasi

MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI)merupakan organisasi profesi yang bertujuan untuk

mengembangkan studi ilmiah mengenai bahasa.

PENGURUS MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

Ketua : Yassir Nasanius, Unika Atma JayaWakil Ketua : Umar Muslim, Universitas IndonesiaSekretaris : Faizah Sari, Unika Atma JayaBendahara : Ienneke Indra Dewi, Universitas Bina Nusantara

DEWAN EDITOR

Editor Utama : Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Unika Atma JayaEditor Pendamping : Faizah Sari, Unika Atma JayaAnggota : A. Chaedar Alwasilah, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; E.Aminudin Aziz, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; Benny H Hoed, UniversitasIndonesia; Bernd Nothofer, Universitas Frankfurt, Jerman; Asmah Haji Omar,Universiti Malaya, Malaysia; Siti Wachidah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta; D. EdiSubroto, Universitas Sebelas Maret; I Wayan Arka, Universitas Udayana; A. EffendiKadarisman, Universitas Negeri Malang; Bahren Umar Siregar, Unika Atma Jaya;Hasan Basri, Universitas Tadulako; Umar Muslim, Universitas Indonesia; Dwi NoveriniDjenar, Sydney University, Australia; Mahyuni, Universitas Mataram; PatrisiusDjiwandono, Universitas Ma Chung.

JURNAL LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

Linguistik Indonesia diterbitkan pertama kali pada tahun 1982 dan sejak tahun 2000diterbitkan tiap bulan Februari dan Agustus. Linguistik Indonesia telah terakreditasiberdasarkan SK Dirjen Dikti No. 64a/DIKTI/Kep/2010, 1 November 2010. Jurnalilmiah ini dibagikan secara cuma-cuma kepada para anggota MLI yang keanggotaannyaumumnya melalui Cabang MLI di pelbagai Perguruan Tinggi, tetapi dapat juga secaraperseorangan atau institusional. Iuran per tahun adalah Rp. 100.000 (anggota dalamnegeri) dan US$25 (anggota luar negeri). Keanggotaan institusional dalam negeriadalah Rp.120.000 dan luar negeri US$45 per tahun.

Naskah dan resensi dikirim ke Redaksi dengan mengikuti format Pedoman Penulis-an Naskah di bagian belakang sampul jurnal.

ALAMAT

Masyarakat Linguistik IndonesiaPusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya, Unika Atma JayaJI. Jenderal Sudirman 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesiae-mail: [email protected], Ph/Fax: +62 (0)21 571 9560

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Daftar Isi

Pemberdayaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Perekat Bangsa MalaysiaAsmah Haji Omar .................................................................... 101

Konstruksi Pasif Kena dalam Bahasa Indonesia:Perbandingan dengan Bahasa MelayuHiroki Nomoto dan Kartini Abd. Wahab ................................. 111

Intrasentential Code-Switchingby the Manado Malay Multilinguals in AustraliaNixon J. Pangalila .................................................................. 133

Telecity in IndonesianNurhayati ............................................................................... 151

Some Notes on the Relationship BetweenLanguage Use and Moral Character:A Case of Linguistic Corruption in IndonesianFreddy K. Kalidjernih ............................................................. 167

Looking at Linguistic Challenges in Science ClassroomsPramela Krish and Mastura Othman ...................................... 185

Resensi:Geoff Thomson

Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition)Diresensi oleh Siti Wachidah ........................................................... 201

Jelajah Linguistik:Metode: Dari Sintaksis ke Pragmatik

Bambang Kaswanti Purwo ............................................................... 207

Bincang antara Kita dari Dunia Maya:Terima Kasih: Kapan Kita Mengucapkannya ......................... 209

Indeks .............................................................................................. 215

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 101 - 110 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYUSEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA MALAYSIA

Asmah Haji Omar*Universiti Malaya

[email protected]

Abstrak

Ada dua interpretasi pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem,dan pemberdayaan penutur supaya dapat menggunakan bahasa. Kedua-dua interpretasiini dibincangkan dalam kerangka enam kriteria keberdayaan bahasa yang dicadangkanoleh Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dalam meniliai keberdayaan (vitaliti) sesuatubahasa.

Keberdayaan bahasa Melayu sudah cukup tinggi untuk zamannya dalampengurusan dan pentadbiran sebelum Tanah Melayu dijajah oleh pihak British.Kerberdayaannya kelihatan kurang dengan perubahan zaman dengan bertambahnyabidang ilmu yang diajar di sekolah dan universiti. Usaha-usaha mempertingkatkankeberdayaan ini dijalankan setelah kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 danditeruskan hingga sekarang ini, supaya bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaandapat digunakan dalam semua bidang ilmu dan profesion. Perancangan bukan sekadarmemberdayakan sistem bahasa Melayu tetapi juga memberdayakan pengguna bahasasupaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas dan berkomunikasi dalam bahasa bahasakebangsaan.

Bahasa Melayu boleh dianggap sebagai perekat bangsa Malaysia, dalam duakonteks dengan situasi yang berbeza. Yang pertama ialah konteks rasmi yang situasinyaformal, dan yang kedua ialah konteks luar rasmi yang situasinya tak formal. Dalamkonteks kedua ini komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu bersifat polimorfik yangmenunjukkan jarak social yang dekat antara penutur.

Kesimpulannya ialah bahasa merupakan satu daripada beberapa faktor yangmenyatupadukan bangsa, terutama sekali dalam negara pelbagai kaum seperti diMalaysia.

Kata kunci: pragmatik, kesantunan, analisis percakapan

Cross-cultural and interlanguage pragmatics have operated largely under the combinedframeworks of Searle’s speech act theory and Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory.These theories are predicated on a rational actor model of social action, according towhich persons determine illocutionary force and politeness on the basis of means-end cost-benefit calculations. The rationalist model is associated with a conceptualization ofpragmatic meaning as the product of speaker intention packaged in the linguisticconventions of a particular language. By contrast, ethnomethodological, poststructuralist,and constructionist perspectives locate politeness in social-discursive practice rather thanindividual cognition. In this talk, I will examine politeness phenomena in interaction fromthe vantage point of one such approach, conversation analysis. Based on a variety ofinteractional materials, I will show how participants orient to politeness through thesequential arrangement of their interaction and their use of linguistic and other semioticresources. Politeness is re-specified as an emergent and co-constructed phenomenon thatmakes visible social members’ orientations to normative and moral frameworks in concretesituated activities.

Key words: pragmatics, politeness, conversation analysis

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PENGANTAR

Pemikiran bahawa bahasa merupakan alat penyatuan bangsa adalah lumrah bagi negara-negarayang sebelumnya merupakan tanah jajahan di bawah perintah bangsa luar yang menguasaikehidupan anak negeri dalam masa yang agak lama. Keadaan yang sebegini telah meninggalkankesan dalam perkembangan beberapa aspek budaya, termasuk aspek-aspek yang terdapat dalamdomain penggunaan bahasa yang penting, dalam kehidupan rakyat negara yang dijajah itu.Salah satu kesan yang dialami ialah kesedaran bahawa rakyat memerlukan lambang kewujudannegara yang setaraf dengan negara-negara yang tidak pernah dijajah atau yang sudah terlepasdari rantai penjajahan. Salah satu daripada lambang ini adalah bahasa, iaitu bahasakebangsaan, yang dilihat sebagai perekat bangsa. Di Malaysia, pilihan bahasa kebangsaanjatuh pada bahasa Melayu, iaitu bahasa asal Tanah Melayu.

KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA (LINGUISTIC VITALITY)

Ungkapan pemberdayaan bahasa dalam tajuk kertas kerja ini boleh menimbulkan pertanyaan:Adakah yang dimaksudkan itu pemberdayaan kepada bahasa atau pemberdayaan penggunadengan bahasa? Ketaksaan ini termasuk dalam kasus yang sama dengan contoh yang dibawaoleh Chomsky suatu waktu dahulu, the shooting of the hunters: Adakah ungkapan ini bermaknaorang yang menembak itu pemburu (the hunters did the shooting), atau orang lain yangmenembak pemburu (somebody shot the hunters)? Walau bagaimanapun, dalam menanganitajuk yang diberi kepada saya itu, saya akan mencuba membincangkan kedua-dua interpretasiberkenaan.

Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah mencadangkan enam kriteria untukmenentukan keberdayaan bahasa, seperti di bawah ini:

1. Intergenerational transmission of language2. Absolute number of speakers3. Proportion of speakers within the total population4. Trends in existing language domains5. Responses to new domains and media6. Materials for language education and literacy(Note that none of these factors should be used alone)

Berdasarkan kriteria di atas itu, perbincangan di bawah ini akan ditumpukan pada duaaspek pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu: (i) pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem, seperti yangtercakup dalam faktor 4 – 6 cadangan PBB; (ii) pemberdayaan ahli komuniti dalammenggunakan bahasa seperti yang termaktub dalam faktor 1 – 3 cadangan PBB.

BAHASA MELAYU DAN KEBERDAYAANNYA DARI SEGI SEJARAH

Sungguhpun pihak Inggeris, melalui Syarikat India Timurnya (East India Company) mulabertapak di Tanah Melayu dalam tahun 1786 di Pulau Pinang (yang disewa dari Sultan Kedah),dan kemudian bertapak di pelabuhan-pelabuhan lain seperti Singapura dalam tahun 1819, danMelaka dalam tahun 1824, tetapi selama hampir 100 tahun mereka tidak menembus untukberkuasa di negeri-negeri Melayu. Keadaan ini berubah dalam tahun 1874, apabila pihakInggeris mula campur tangan dalam urusan pentadbiran Perak berikutan dengan konflik dikalangan keluarga raja Perak ketika itu. Untuk menyelesaikan konflik itu mereka meletakkanpegawai Inggeris yang diberi taraf Residen. Inilah tarikh sebenarnya permulaan berkuasanyaInggeris di negeri-negeri Melayu. (Joginder Singh Jessy 1979, Bab 12).

Sebelum itu tiap-tiap negeri Melayu di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu (sekarang iniSemenanjung Malaysia), iaitu sembilan semuanya, merupakan pemerintahan tersendiri, yangsatu bebas dari yang lain. Sistem pemerintahan bagi tiap-tiap satunya itu diketuai oleh Sultan,dan di bawah baginda terdapat Menteri Besar, dan pegawai-pegawai tinggi yang menjalankan

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tugas dan tanggungjawab seperti yang terdapat dalam Hukum Kanun (statute) masing-masing.Ini bermakna bahawa urusan dan pentadbiran dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu seluruhnya.(Lihat esei-esei tentang undang-undang Kedah sebelum tertakluk di bawah undang-undangInggeris dalam Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim 2006).

Bahkan setelah pemerintah kolonial British memasuki tiap-tiap negeri itu sebagaipelindung dan penasihat dengan adanya British Resident atau British Adviser, semua urusanpemerintahan dalam negeri tetap dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu, dengan tulisan Jawi sebagaitulisan rasminya. Undang-undang atau Hukum yang baru diperkenalkan oleh pemerintah Britishjuga ditulis dalam bahasa Melayu dan dicetak versi bahasa Inggerisnya dalam jilid yang sama.Sebagai contoh, Penal Code bagi negeri Kedah yang diperkenalkan sebelum tahun 1930-an dandiulang cetak dengan pindaan dalam tahun 1934, dan kemudian pula dalam tahun 1353. Istilahundang-undang diambil dari bahasa Arab, atau dipindahkan terus dari bahasa Inggeris menurutkeperluan. Dari teks undang-undang ini dapat dilihat bahawa bahasa Melayu terus hidup denganperingkat keberdayaan yang tinggi, dan memadai untuk zaman yang berkenaan.

Penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam sistem pemerintahan dan diwujudkan dalam tulisanJawi merupakan tradisi bagi semua negeri Melayu. Bahkan dalam surat-menyurat denganpemerintah dan syarikat-syarikat Inggeris dan juga pemerintah Siam, bahasa Melayu dengantulisan Jawilah yang merupakan kaedah rasmi menyampaikan perutusan. (Lihat Annabel TehGallop dan Bernard Arps 1991). Bahasa Melayu terus hidup dalam penciptaan penulisan hasilkesusasteraan dalam genre-genre tradisional Melayu, seperti hikayat, syair dan cerita silsilah.

Sungguhpun dari segi pertuturan, negeri-negeri Melayu mempunyai dialek-dialektersendiri, yang memperlihatkan perbezaan terutama sekali dari segi fonologi, diikuti olehleksis, morfologi dan sintaksis, tetapi bahasa dalam naskhah-naskhah Melayu dan juga warkahrasmi rata-rata sudah mencapai standardisasi dari segi ejaan, leksis, morfologi dan sintaksis,sungguhpun di sana sini terdapat perbezaan-perbezaan dialektal yang kecil. Ini menunjukkanbahawa kodifikasi bahasa sudah berjalan dalam bahasa Melayu, lama sebelum abad ke-20.Adanya bahasa bertulis yang sudah mantap kewujudannya memberi kemungkinan yang besarbagi bahasa itu menghadapi perkembangan yang dipengaruhi oleh perubahan sosial. Inidisebabkan dalam bentuk tulisan bahasa menjadi stabil, dan dapat merentasi ruang dan masa.

KESEDARAN AKAN KURANGNYA KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU

Penjajahan membawa kesedaran akan kekurangan bahasa Melayu dalam menghadapiperkembangan dunia moden. Perasaan ini bertambah-tambah dengan dibinanya sekolah-sekolah Inggeris yang bukan sahaja menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Inggeris, tetapijuga jenis mata pelajaran yang diberinya lebih banyak daripada yang diberi di sekolah Melayu.Persekolahan dalam bahasa Melayu hanya sampai pada kelas 6 sekolah dasar. Untuk mendapatpendidikan pada peringkat sekolah menengah, pelajar-pelajar harus berpindah ke sekolahInggeris.

Sungguhpun tidak ada diskriminasi berasaskan suku kaum dalam dasar pemerintahanInggeris dalam pengambilan pelajar-pelajar ke sekolah Inggeris, tetapi kebanyakan orangMelayu tidak dapat masuk ke sekolah Inggeris disebabkan faktor kewangan. Yurannya tinggidan sekolah-sekolah berkenaan letaknya di bandar-bandar besar. Orang Melayu yangsebahagian besarnya tinggal di kampung-kampung tidak mampu menghantar anak mereka kesekolah Inggeris. Dengan itu, peratusan anak-anak Melayu di sekolah Inggeris sangat rendahberbanding dengan kaum-kaum lain.

Kekurangan dari segi pendidikan membawa rasa duka dan cemas di kalangan orangMelayu. Keadaan seperti ini berlanjutan kepada pencapaian sosio-ekonomi yang rendahberbanding dengan kaum lain terutama sekali dengan suku kaum Cina. Dari segi bahasa,vitaliti yang ada dalam zaman sebelum itu sudah tidak mencukupi untuk kehidupan dalamzaman moden.

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Perlu juga disebut di sini bahawa di samping sekolah Inggeris dan sekolah Melayuterdapat juga sekolah Cina dan sekolah Tamil. Tiap satunya menggunakan bahasa pengantardari kaumnya sendiri, dan juga mempunyai kurikulum dan orientasi sendiri dari segi bahan yangdiajar. Dengan demikian, di antara suku-suku kaum berkenaan, tidak ada perekat yangdigunakan dan diperkuatkan melalui sistem pendidikan yang seragam, dan dengan itu orientasisebagai rakyat di negara yang sama juga tidak memperlihatkan adanya jalur persamaan yangbesar.

KEMERDEKAAN:PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU MENURUT KEPERLUAN ZAMAN

Kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 dilihat sebagai pembawa keberdayaan kepada bahasaMelayu, dengan adanya Perlembagaan (Undang-Undang Dasar) yang meletakkan bahasaMelayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, bahasa rasmi dan bahasa pengantar utama dalam sistempendidikan. Ini bermakna bahawa sistem pendidikannya adalah satu, bukan lagi empat, dansistem ini menggunakan bahasa dan kurikulum yang sama.

Segala usaha telah dijalankan dalam perancangan bahasa untuk menambah keberdayaanbahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa yang dapat digunakan dalam sistem pendidikan dari sekolahdasar hinggalah ke universiti, khususnya dalam penyempurnaan sistem ejaan, penggubalanistilah, pengajaran bahasa Melayu kepada semua rakyat, latihan guru dan penataran stafakademik universiti supaya mereka dapat menggunakan dan mengajar dalam bahasa Melayu.Lanjutan dari ini semua adalah penerbitan buku teks sekolah dan universiti dalam bahasaMelayu, serta buku bacaan am, majalah dan akhbar. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka adalah badanyang diberi tanggungjawab oleh pemerintah Malaysia dalam memastikan perancangan korpusbahasa ditadbirkan dengan baik, dan Dewan juga merupakan penerbit buku ilmiah dalam bahasaMelayu yang terbesar di Malaysia.

Pemberdayaan Pengguna Bahasa

Pemberdayaan rakyat Malaysia dengan pemerolehan dan peningkatan kecekapan mereka dalambahasa Melayu berlaku melalui lima saluran utama:

(i) pendidikan formal di sekolah dan university(ii) penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa dalam urusan rasmi pemerintahan(iii) penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi(iv) program hiburan dan bukan rasmi(v) pergaulan sosial

Kelima-lima faktor ini boleh dibahagikan kepada dua golongan utama, berdasarkandarjat keformalan atau ketidak-formalan bahasa yang digunakan dan yang menjadi matlamataktiviti yang dijalankan. Dengan itu, faktor (i) dan (ii) boleh dimasukkan dalam golonganpenggunaan formal, sedangkan faktor (iii) – (v) memasuki golongan tidak formal.

Istilah formal dan tidak formal dalam konteks ini membawa pengertian dari segi bentukbahasa. Sungguhpun bahasa wujud dalam konteks sosial yang formal dan tidak formal, tetapiciri-ciri ini dari segi peraturan sosial (social rules) sukar ditentukan. Walaupun dalam sesuatupenyelidikan kita dapat melakukan pemerhatian tentang proses sosial yang berlaku apabilapenutur berinteraksi satu sama lain dalam situasi tertentu, tidaklah mudah bagi kita meletakkangaris pemisah yang jelas antara perilaku yang formal dan yang tidak formal. Bahkan dalamsesuatu peristiwa bahasa penutur-penutur yang terlibat akan bertukar dari perilaku yang formalkepada yang tidak formal dan sebaliknya, menunjukkan bahawa peristiwa bahasa tidak terikatkepada satu-satu situasi yang khusus.

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Penggunaan Formal

(i) Pendidikan persekolahan

Bahasa yang digunakan dalam pengajaran di sekolah, baik sekolah kebangsaan atau sekolahjenis kebangsaan1 serta di universiti merupakan bahasa standard, yakni bahasa yang sudahlazim digunakan yang merupakan hasil kodifikasi yang sudah dibincangkan di atas. Variasi initerus-menerus dipertingkatkan supaya sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat. Penerbitanbuku dan majalah serta media elektronik dan media cetak berfungsi sebagai kuasa yangmemantapkan variasi ini.

Dalam 1970 hingga tahun 1986, telah berlaku proses peralihan sekolah-sekolahInggeris menjadi sekolah kebangsaan. Proses ini melibatkan pertukaran bahasa pengantarsecara beransur-ansur dari bahasa Inggeris kepada bahasa Melayu di semua sekolah Inggeris.Perancangan yang rapi telah dilakarkan sehingga tidak berlaku sebarang kecelaruan dalampertukaran itu. Perancangan itu termasuk penggantian bahasa secara serentak di semua sekolahInggeris, bermula dengan kelas satu sekolah dasar yang diajar seluruhnya dalam bahasa Melayu.Bagi kelas yang lebih tinggi hingga ke sekolah menengah. mata pelajaran dipilih mulai darialiran sastera, dan peralihan bagi tiap-tiap kelas itu dipastikan supaya tidak lebih dari dua matapelajaran yang mengalami pertukaran bahasa bagi satu-satu tahun persekolahan. Sebagai hasilperancangan itu pada tahun 1978 pelajar-pelajar aliran sastera yang masuk universiti sudah punmelalui seluruh program persekolahan mereka dalam bahasa Melayu. Aliran sains selesaiproses peralihan itu pada tahun 1985, dan dalam tahun 1986 mahasiswa aliran ini yang masukuniversiti terdiri daripada mereka yang keselurhan persekolahannya adalah dalam bahasaMelayu. (Asmah Haji Omar 1976: 108 – 111 untuk jadual peralihan dari bahasa Inggeris kebahasa Melayu).

Pemberdayaan pelajar dengan bahasa Melayu diperlengkapkan dengan pemberdayaanguru dalam menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Melayu bagi semua mata pelajaran. Inidilakukan melalui latihan-latihan khas yang dijalankan oleh Kementerian Pelajaran ketika itu.Di universiti, yang menerima pelajar-pelajar dari sekolah kebangsaan, pensyarah-pensyarah dariberbagai-bagai fakulti dan disiplin akademik, serta staf pentadbiran dan sokongan, diberi latihankhusus dalam menggunakan bahasa Melayu supaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas merekadengan lebih efisien. Di Universiti Malaya, Pusat Bahasa (sekarang ini Fakulti Bahasa danLinguistik) ditubuhkan untuk tujuan pemberdayaan ini di samping mengajar berbagai-bagaibahasa dunia.

(ii) Penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa rasmi

Pemberdayaan pengguna bahasa dipertingkatkan dengan penggunaan bahasa dalam konteksrasmi. Secara tradisi, sejak zaman pemerintahan British lagi, pentadbir di jabatan-jabatankerajaan hampir semuanya orang Melayu. Satu sistem kuota telah ditetapkan sejak zamanBritish lagi, iaitu dari setiap empat orang pentadbir, tiga orang hendaklah terdiri daripada orangMelayu. Walaupun mereka orang Melayu, tetapi oleh kerana mereka berkelulusan sekolah danuniversiti yang menggunakan bahasa Inggeris, maka jabatan masing-masing telah mengadakankursus khas supaya mereka menjadi biasa dengan bahasa Melayu rasmi yang digunakan dalampentadbiran.

Penggunaan Tidak Formal

(i) Penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi

Penduduk Malaysia terdiri daripada kira-kira 28 juta orang. Dari jumlah ini, 65% adalahBumiputera, 26% Cina, 8% India, dan suku kaum lain 1%. Bumiputera terdiri daripada orangMelayu, orang asli, dan suku-suku kaum pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak yang jumlahnya 2% darikeseluruhan rakyat Malaysia. Ini bermakna bahawa 63% adalah orang Melayu, dan merekamenggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga yang diturun-temurunkan. Dengan itu

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kadar penutur asli bahasa Melayu di Malaysia adalah 63%. Dengan terlaksananya dasar bahasakebangsaan seperti yang dihuraikan di atas, boleh dikatakan lebih daripada 90% rakyat Malaysiaboleh bertutur dalam bahasa Melayu, tetap tentu sahaja dengan peringkat kemahiran yangberbeza-beza, dari yang paling baik kepada yang paling buruk.

Sebagai bahasa keluarga atau bahasa pertama, bahasa Melayu yang diperoleh sejakmasa kanak-kanak ialah dialek yang dituturkan oleh keluarga. Jika ibu dan bapa dalam sesuatukeluarga itu berasal dari kawasan dialek yang berlainan, maka dialek yang turun kepada anak-anak mereka merupakan dialek yang paling dominan dalam keluarga. Dominan atau tidaknyadialek berkenaan bergantung pada keluarga sebelah mana, ibu atau ayah, yang mempengaruhikehidupan sehari-hari anak-anak berkenaan, atau juga pada dialek tempat mereka bermastautin.Jadi, bahasa ibunda tidak semestinya bahasa ibu. Tetapi kanak-kanak dari usia yang sangatmuda dari keluarga percampuran dialek sudah sedar adanya perbezaan dialek antara keluargaayah dan keluarga ibu, dan mereka cuba menyesuaikan diri sewajarnya2.

(ii) Program hiburan dan bukan rasmi

Dalam domain penggunaan bahasa yang seperti ini, orang Malaysia bebas menggunakan apasahaja variasi bahasa (bahasa standard, variasi geografis/dialek, atau variasi sosial). Dalamsesuatu program hiburan, walaupun pada asasnya variasi yang dipilih itu bahasa standard, tetapipasti dimasukkan juga variasi-variasi lain, sesuai dengan jalan cerita, dan tentunya sesuaidengan tempat berlakunya sesuatu adegan atau episod. Jika semuanya itu dalam bahasastandard, tentu sahaja rancangan hiburan berkenaan tidak menggambarkan realiti dalamkehidupan di Malaysia, khususnya dalam penggunaan bahasa.

Dalam program-program bukan hiburan dan bukan rasmi, seperti forum dan apa jugajenis perdebatan, di media atau di luar media, asasnya ialah bahasa standard. Tetapi penuturdari kawasan dialek tertentu akan mewujudkan ciri-ciri dialeknya, biasanya dalam sebutan danjuga leksis. Hal ini dianggap sebagai hal yang biasa, disebabkan tiap-tiap dialek mempunyaisejarah penggunaannya sebagai bahasa tinggi sebelum terbentuknya Persekutuan Tanah Melayu.

Kempen-kempen pilihan raya memperlihatkan betapa dominannya dialek kawasan yangterlibat. Pemimpin dan ahli parti politik yang berkempen yang berasal dari kawasan lainbiasanya menggunakan bahasa standard, tetapi dalam usaha memperoleh undi dari penduduksetempat mereka terpaksa menggunakan strategi akomodasi. Maka berusahalah merekamenggunakan kata-kata atau ungkapan-ungkapan dari dialek berkenaan, bahkan juga mencubamenyesuaikan sebutan dengan yang lazim di tempat berkenaan.

Pergaulan Sosial

Seperti yang dapat dilihat dengan jelas, orang-orang Malaysia memilih variasi dan gaya bahasayang memberi keselesaan kepada mereka dan juga kepada orang yang berinteraksi denganmereka. Di kawasan yang homogenus, yakni di kampung yang mempunyai dialek tertentu,variasi yang digunakan adalah dialek tempatan berkenaan. Di sini juga, jika ada orang yangdwibahasa Melayu-Inggeris, Melayu-Arab atau Melayu-Siam (yang terakhir di Kedah Utara),berlakulah campur aduk antara unsur dari bahasa-bahasa yang berkenaan. Alih kod (code-switching) kemudian merupakan bahasa perantara mereka.

Alih kod, terutama sekali Melayu-Inggeris, juga merupakan gejala yang berlaku dalampertuturan antara orang-orang Melayu yang tinggal di bandar. Di Kuala Lumpur atau diPetaling Jaya di mana terdapat penduduk Melayu dari berbagai-bagai kawasan dialek, baikdialek-dialek Semenanjung atau dialek-dialek yang dituturkan di Sabah dan Sarawak, penutur-penutur dari kawasan dialek yang sama cenderung menggunakan dialek sendiri. Antarasebabnya ialah perasaan kekitaan dari satu negeri yang sama. Ini dibuktikan oleh kajianZuraidah Mohd. Don mengenai penggunaan dialek di kalangan mahasiswa Kelantan diUinversiti Malaya (Zuraidah Mohd. Don 2005). Dalam interaksi antara penutur dari berbagai-bagai dialek, dalam kedaan tidak formal, ada percubaan menggunakan bahaaa Melayu standard,sebagai strategi kerjasama dan akomodasi3.

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Dalam perbualan antara penutur yang berbeza suku kaum, seperti antara Melayu, Cinadan India, bahasa yang digunakan tidaklah bersifat monolitik, yakni penutur-penutur tidaklahhanya patuh pada satu bahasa sahaja. Alih kod merupakan kaedah yang dominan, dan sistembahasa yang digunakan bergantung pada taraf dan jenis pendidikan. Oleh kerana bahasaMelayu dan bahasa Inggeris diajar di semua sekolah, maka alih kod Melayu-Inggeriskedengaran di mana-mana. Penentuan taraf pendidikan dapat dipastikan dari butir-butir yangdialih kod berdasarkan topik-topik perbualan, serta juga taraf gramatis atau tidak gramatis butiryang dialih kod. Percampuran bahasa yang seperti inilah yang dikenal di Malaysia sebagaibahasa rojak.

BAHASA SEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA

Bilakah soal bahasa Melayu sebagai perekat bangsa mula muncul di Tanah Melayu? Padapendapat saya, munculnya itu bukan disebabkan adanya sistem persekolahan bahasa Inggeris,bahasa Cina, atau bahasa Tamil. Sebabnya itu tidak berakar pada bahasa, tetapi pada faktorekonomi.

Dengan adanya orang-orang Cina yang mendominasi ekonomi Malaya, mulai dariakhir abad ke-19, orang Melayu mula melihat diri mereka sebagai rakyat yang makin lamamakin tersisih di bumi sendiri. Mulai dekad-dekad awal abad ke-20, para intelek Melayu yangberpendidikan Inggeris dan juga Arab sudah melihat keadaan demikian dan melalui penerbitan-penerbitan mereka, dalam bentuk esei dalam majalah atau buku bahasa, atau juga novel, merekameniup angin kesedaran ini kepada orang Melayu. Antaranya ialah Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad(Za’ba) yang banyak menulis sejak tahun-tahun 1930-an lagi, bahkan kesedaran ini disisipdalam buku-buku bahasa yang ditulis untuk kursus latihan guru di Maktab Sultan Idris TanjongMalim, Perak. Orang Melayu juga mendapat inspirasi dari pergerakan kebangsaan Indonesia,yang mengangkat bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa Indonesia, yakni bahasa persatuan Indonesia.Kesedaran akan nasib bangsa mengikat orang-orang Melayu dari berbagai-bagai negeri diTanah Melayu, dan merangsangkan perpaduan mereka, sehingga membawa kepada perpaduanyang sebenarnya apabila mereka mencapai kemerdekaan di bawah bendera Persekutuan TanahMelayu pada 31 Ogos 1957. Inilah juga tarikh bahasa Melayu dinobatkan sebagai bahasakebangsaan.

Dari awal lagi, bahasa kebangsaan dilihat sebagai lambang yang menyatu-padukanrakyat Malaya/Malaysia pelbagai kaum. Juga dalam menerima adanya bahasa kebangsaan,Malaysia tidak menyingkir mana-mana bahasa yang wujud di Malaysia. Dasar PelajaranKebangsaan Pelajaran 1956, yang penggubalannya itu sebelum tarikh kemerdekaan (dan lebihdikenal sebagai Laporan Razak) menyatakan bahawa tiap-tiap bahasa ada tempatnya di bumiMalaysia. Laporan ini juga menegaskan betapa pentingnya bahasa Inggeris dalam pendidikan diMalaya, dan mulai dari itulah maka bahasa Inggeris mendapat tempat sebagai bahasa keduaselepas bahasa Melayu.

Jika dikatakan bahasa Melayu merupakan perekat bangsa Malaysia, perekatnya dapatdilihat dalam komunikasi dua konteks. Pertama ialah konteks pentadbiran negara, iaitu antarakerajaan dengan rakyat, dan kedua ialah sesama rakyat dari pelbagai kaum. Yang pertama ituboleh digolongkan sebagai konteks penggunaan bahasa Melayu yang wajib, sedangkan yangkedua itu sebagai konteks opsional atau tidak wajib. Konteks pertama bermula dari institusi-institusi pendidikan, yang memerlukan variasi bahasa standard dengan laras yang sesuai bagisituasi pengurusan dan pentadbiran, yang berjalan menurut peraturan-peraturan tertentu.Konteks opsional mewakili situasi tidak formal yang menggambarkan keselesaan dalaminteraksi, dan arus komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu (dalam variasi mana pun juga) mengalirlancar tanpa adanya sekatan undang-undang atau peraturan sosial.

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KOMUNIKASI BAHASA YANG POLIMORFIK

Dalam politik Malaysia, tidak pernah dikatakan bahawa pelbagai suku kaum mestibersasimilasi, tetapi yang penting ialah mereka hendaklah berintegrasi. Dengan integrasi setiapsuku kaum terjamin dari segi pelestarian warisan asal mereka, yakni bahasa, budaya, agama dansebagainya. Sungguhpun dari segi idealnya, mereka diharap menggunakan bahasa Melayudalam kehidupan mereka sehari-hari, tetapi ini bukanlah tujuan utama dasar bahasa kebangsaanMalaysia. Oleh kerana itu, seperti yang disebut di atas, gambaran penggunaan bahasa dikalangan rakyat Malaysia adalah polimorfik sifatnya.

Dengan komunikasi bahasa yang polimorfik, terdapat lebih daripada satu bahasa yangmengikat rakyat negara. Tiap-tiap suku kaum mempunyai kesetiaan sendiri kepada bahasanya,dengan cara mempertahankan bahasanya sebagai bahasa komuniti. Tiap-tiap komuniti bahasapula mempunyai beberapa subkomuniti, dan tiap-tiap satunya pula dengan bahasa sendiri.Misalnya, bahasa Cina terdiri daripada sekurang-kurangnya 10 dialek, dengan Kantonis danHokkien sebagai komuniti dialek yang terbesar, tetapi bahasa yang dianggap kepunyaanbersama kaum Cina adalah bahasa Mandarin, yang digunakan di sekolah dan dalam media. Didalam komuniti dialek, tiap-tiap komuniti menggunakan bahasanya sendiri. Di kalangan orangCina, terutama di Kuala Lumpur dan bandar-bandar besar lain, bahasa Inggeris sidah menjadibahasa keluarga.

Yang dikatakan suku kaum India di Malaysia itu sebenarnya terdiri daripada pelbagaisuku kaum lagi, dari India Utara dan Selatan, dan juga dari Sri Lanka, yang berlainan dari segibahasa, agama dan cara hidup. Bahkan antara suku-suku kaum ini, jika mereka tidak tahubahasa Inggeris, maka bahasa Melayulah yang menjadi bahasa perantara. Seperti halnya denganorang Cina, orang-orang India di Malaysia juga lebih cenderung menggunakan bahasa Inggerissebagai bahasa keluarga.

Demikian jugalah halnya dengan kebanyakan kaum bumiputera. Orang Asli bukanlahsuku kaum yng monolitik dari segi bahasa, kerana tiap-tiap kelompok mempunyai bahasa yangberbeza dengan yang lain. Demikian juga suku kaum Kadazandusun, Murut dan Bajau diSabah, atau juga Bidayuh dan Kenyah di Sarawak. Pendeknya, di Malaysia, dan barangkalijuga di tempat-tempat lain, komuniti etnik tidak selari dengan komuniti bahasa. Ada kala,komuniti etnik terdiri daripada satu komuniti bahasa, dan ada kalanya terdiri daripada beberapakomuniti bahasa. (Asmah Haji Omar 2009).

PERPADUAN BANGSA

Perpaduan sesuatu bangsa memerlukan adanya alat komunikasi bersama supaya rakyat fahammesej yang hendak disampaikan oleh kerajaan, dan juga dalam memudahkan hubungan sosialsesama rakyat. Penyatuan rakyat pelbagai kaum dan pelbagai budaya memerlukan “perekat”yang lebih teguh dari hanya bahasa. Penyampaian mesej melalui bahasa dengan input danoutput mudah dilakukan dalam bahasa Melayu dengan adanya pemberdayaan penutur dalambahasa berkenaan. Dalam hal ini bahasa adalah alat komunikasi semata-mata. Demikian juga,aspek-aspek budaya tertentu dapat menjadi alat dalam mendekatkan hubungan antara rakyat,misalnya dari segi pakaian, makanan, cara makan, seni tari, seni muzik, dan sebagainya.

Tetapi setakat manakah pemberdayaan bahasa dapat mewujudkan jaringan psikologiyang dapat menyatukan rakyat pelbagai kaum? Faktor ekonomi dan sosial juga memainkanperanan yang sangat penting dalam menyatu-padukan bangsa. Jika keadaan ekonomi tidakseimbang, maka mobilti sosial juga tidak selari dalam perbandingan antara suku kaum. Dalamkeadaan yang seperti ini, walaupun ada bahasa bersama yang digunakan tetapi perpaduan antararakyat juga sukar tercapai.

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PENUTUP

Keadaan di Malaysia menunjukkan bahawa di luar urusan rasmi yang mempunyai konteks yangdilakarkan menurut peraturan, bahasa kebangsaan dapat mendekatkan hubungan sesama rakyatdengan memudahkan komunikasi antara mereka. Dalam konteks luar rasmi, komunikasimereka yang polimorfik, yang tidak digemari oleh pendidik bahasa, sebenarnya memperlihatkanjarak sosial yang dekat antara mereka, sedangkan bahasa standard tidak menggambarkankeadaan ini.

Bahasa sahaja tidak cukup untuk menyatu-padukan rakyat. Banyak faktor lain, terutamasekali faktor sosio-ekonomi, diperlukan dalam menjadikan rakyat pelbagai kaum menerima satusama lain dalam satu keluarga yang besar. Atas kesedaran inilah, maka Perdana Menteri, Dato’Seri Mohd. Najib Abdul Razak membawa falsafah “1Malaysia: Rakyat Didahulukan,Pencapaian Diutamakan”.

CATATAN

1. Berdasarkan bahasa pengantar utama yang digunakan, sekolah-sekolah di Malaysia dibahagikankepada dua jenis: sekolah kebangsaan dan sekolah jenis kebangsaan. Sekolah kebangsaanmenggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar bagi semua mata pelajaran kecuali Sains danMatematik yang diajar dalam dwibahasa, Melayu dan Inggeris, dan juga bahasa Inggeris sebagaimata pelajaran wajib . Sekolah jenis kebangsaan adalah sekolah yang mengajar dalam bahasa Cina(dengan itu Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Cina), dan bahasa Tamil (dengan itu Sekolah JenisKebangsaan Tami). Kedua-dua jenis sekolah ini wajib mengajar bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Inggeriskepada pelajar mereka.

2. Saya telah melakukan penyelidikan yang seperti ini dalam tahun 1980-an. Saya fikir keadaan sepertiini masih berlaku dalam keluarga Melayu. Lihat Asmah Haji Omar 1988:

3. Dalam kajian Zuraidah Mohd. Don, mahasiswa Kelantan di Universiti Malaya menggunakan bahasastandard yang disebut mereka sebagai “bahasa Melayu Malaysia”, dalam hubungan mahasiswa-mahasiswa lain, kerana mereka sendiri mempunyai persepsi yang rendah terhadap dialek mereka, danjuga kerana mereka percaya bahawa dialek mereka sukar difahami oleh penutur-penutur dialek lain.

* Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikanmakalah.

RUJUKAN

Asmah Haji Omar. 1976. The Teaching of Bahasa Malaysia ini the Context of NationalLanguage Planning. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Asmah Haji Omar. 1988. Bahasa dan Alam Pemikiran Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: DewanBahasa dan Pustaka.

Asmah Haji Omar. 2004. Muafakat Bahasa: Sejarah MBIM/MABBIM Sebagai PembinaBahasa. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Asmah Haji Omar (ed.). 2005. Sama Serumpun. Tanjong Malim: Penerbit UniversitiPendidikan Sultan Idris.

Asmah Haji Omar. 2009. Moribund Languages of Sarawak, Heritage Asia, Vol. 6, No. 1, April– June 2009, pp. 26 – 33.

Gallop, Annabel Teh and Bernard Arps. 1991. Surat Emas: Budaya Tulis di Indonesia.London: The British Library & Jakarta: Yayasan Lontar.

Joginder Singh Jessy. 1979. Sejarah Tanah Melayu (1400 – 1959). Kuala Lumpur: DewanBahasa dan Pustaka.

Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim (Penyelenggara). Kesultanan Melayu Kedah. SiriKajian Naskhah Kesultanan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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Undang-Undang Negeri Kedah (Revised Edition). Alor Setar, 13 Sya’ban 1353.

Zuraidah Mohd. Don. 2005. Persepsi Dialek Kelantan: Suatu Kjaian Vitaliti Etnolinguistik.Dalam Asmah Haji Omar 2005, h. 93 – 108.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 111 - 131 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

KONSTRUKSI PASIF KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA:PERBANDINGAN DENGAN BAHASA MELAYU*

Hiroki Nomoto Kartini Abd. WahabUniversitas Kajian Asing Tokyo Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia

[email protected] [email protected]

Abstrak

Makalah ini meneliti perbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia mengenaikonstruksi kena. Konstruksi kena dalam bahasa Melayu mempunyai tidak hanya kalimatpasif sebagaimana bahasa Indonesia, tetapi juga kalimat aktif yang membawa makna‘harus’. Makalah ini membahas bahwa kena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah verba yangmasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu (funnycontrol). Sebaliknya, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan (control verb)yang mengambil argumen luar yang terpengaruh. Pada kalimat kena yang aktif, PROdalam klausa aktif sematan tidak terpengaruh, sedangkan pengontrolnya, yaitu argumenluar kena, terpengaruh. Ketidakkoherenan ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesiatidak mempunyai kalimat kena yang aktif. Kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu tidakmelibatkan PRO, maka bebas dari kondisi kekoherenan tersebut sehingga memiliki polaaktif dan pasif berterima. Makalah ini turut menguraikan prediksi analisis kalimat kenabahwa bahasa Indonesia memiliki alternasi diatesis tersirat (covert voice alternation).Temuan kami adalah alternasi diatesis tersirat itu terdapat pada kalimat ter-.

Kata kunci: kena, kawalan (lucu), alternasi diatesis tersirat

This paper proposes an account for a dialectal difference between Malay and Indonesianconcerning the usage of kena sentences. In addition to the adversative passive use foundin both languages, Malay has active kena sentences, expressing obligation/non-volition(‘have to’). It is argued that while kena is a modal verb in both languages, it is a funnypredicate in Malay and a control verb that takes an affected external argument inIndonesian. Kena cannot embed an active clause because its subject PRO is not affected,and hence PRO and its controller are not semantically coherent. This explains whyIndonesian lacks active kena sentences. Since kena sentences in Malay do not involvePRO, both active and passive patterns are available. The paper also discusses the issueof whether or not Indonesian has covert voice alternation. We show that it is actuallyfound in ter- sentences, though not as clearly as in Malay.

Key words: kena, (funny) control, covert voice alternation

PENDAHULUAN

Dalam bahasa Indonesia, kalimat kena seperti contoh (1) di bawah hanya mempunyai satupengertian, yaitu sebagai konstruksi pasif adversatif (interpretasi (i)). Namun, dalam bahasaMelayu (dialek standar bahasa Melayu yang dituturkan di Malaysia), terutama dalam bahasalisan (bahasa Melayu Lisan), kalimat yang sama sebenarnya membawa satu makna lain, yaitumakna yang terkait dengan “keharusan” (interpretasi (ii)).

(1) Ali kena tipu wanita itu.(i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’ (Indonesia dan Malaysia)(ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’. (Malaysia sahaja)

Terkait dengan perbedaan ini, makalah ini mencoba menjawab persoalan-persoalanseperti yang berikut ini. (i) Bagaimanakah kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu dapatmengandung dua interpretasi yang berbeda? (ii) Mengapa kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia

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hanya berterima dengan makna penderitaan adversatif, tetapi tidak dengan makna ‘harus’? (iii)Apakah identitas gramatikal morfem kena dalam kedua bahasa ini?

Untuk menjawab persoalan-persoalan tersebut, makalah ini membahas bahwa dalambahasa Melayu maupun bahasa Indonesia, kena bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis, tetapisebaliknya adalah verba modal yang terkait dengan makna ‘terpaksa oleh keadaan luar’. Olehkarena itu, pada prinsipnya, kena seharusnya dapat muncul pada kalimat pasif dan juga aktifdalam kedua bahasa ini. Sehubungan dengan itu, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kalimat kenadengan makna penderitaan adversatif dan kalimat kena dengan makna keharusan, bisa dianalisissebagai pasangan kalimat pasif dan aktif. Dengan kata lain, dua konstruksi tersebutberhubungan melalui alternasi diatesis. Menurut analisis ini, bahasa Melayu mempunyai keduakalimat kena yang aktif dan pasif, sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak mempunyai kalimat kenayang aktif. Makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa perbedaan di antara dua bahasa ini muncul karenakena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah “predikat lucu” (funny predicate), yang terkait denganfenomena kawalan lucu (funny control) (Gil 2002; Nomoto 2011), sedangkan kena dalambahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambil argumen luar yang “terpengaruh.”Kalimat kena aktif dalam bahasa Indonesia tidak gramatikal oleh karena PRO pada klausasematan aktif tidak mengandung karakter “terpengaruh,” sedangkan kalimat kena aktif dalambahasa Melayu berterima karena mengandung DP yang mengalami kenaikan (raising), danbukan PRO. Makalah ini turut membahas bahwa alternasi diatesis yang terlibat dengan kalimatkena yang aktif dan pasif adalah tersirat, yakni tiada morfem pemarkah diatesis nyata dalamkalimat aktif maupun kalimat pasif. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini terdapat dalam kedua bahasa,meskipun hal ini tidak jelas dalam bahasa Indonesia.

Perbincangan dalam makalah ini terbagi kepada lima bagian. Bagian 1 adalahpengenalan, diikuti oleh bagian 2 yang memuat latar belakang kalimat kena dalam bahasaMelayu yang memiliki kedua kalimat kena aktif dan pasif. Selanjutnya, bagian 3 akanmembahas kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Bagian 4 akan menguraikan salah satuprediksi analisis makalah ini, yaitu alternasi diatesis tersirat juga terdapat dalam bahasaIndonesia. Pada akhir makalah, bagian 5 akan merumuskan perbincangan makalah ini danmendiskusikan implikasi analisis kami terhadap perkembangan historis penggunaan kata kena.

KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA MELAYU

Kalimat Kena Pasif dan Kalimat Kena AktifPenelitian terdahulu oleh Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menjelaskan bahwa kalimatpasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu memiliki padanan aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengandungmaksud ‘harus’. Menurut analisis tersebut, kalimat (2a) dan (2b) di bawah adalah berkaitan,yaitu sebagai kalimat aktif dan kalimat pasif.

(2) a. Ali kena tipu wanita itu. (aktif) ‘Ali harus/terpaksa menipu wanita itu.’b. Wanita itu kena tipu oleh Ali. (pasif)

Dua kalimat di atas mungkin seperti tidak berkaitan. Meski demikian, dari segi semantik duakalimat itu bisa dianggap mengandung morfem kena yang sama. Kena pada kedua kalimattersebut bermakna modal, yakni ‘tidak memedulikan kehendak subjek/penutur sendiri’, ‘ditekanoleh keadaan luar’ atau ‘ditakdirkan’. Pada kalimat aktif (2a), keadaan luar memaksa subjekuntuk melakukan suatu tindakan sehingga subjek yakni Ali “harus” atau “terpaksa” melakukantindakan “menipu” tersebut. Sedangkan pada kalimat pasif (2b), keadaan luar menekan subjek,yakni ‘wanita itu’, menjalani suatu tindakan yang sama, dan subjek berada dalam satu situasiyang merugikan atau keadaan yang tidak menyenangkan. Justifikasi lanjut akan dikemukakandi bagian-bagian berikutnya.

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Berhubungan dengan hal tersebut, timbul dua persoalan. Pertama, apakah kategorisintaksis kata kena? Kedua, apakah pemarkah diatesis yang terdapat pada kedua kalimattersebut? Dua persoalan ini masing-masing akan dibicarakan di bagian 2.2 dan 2.3.

Kena sebagai Predikat Lucu

Dalam penelitian terdahulu, kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu pernah dideskripsikan sebagaipemarkah diatesis pasif (Bao dan Wee 1999) atau kata (verba) bantu (Nik Safiah dkk. 2008:493). Akan tetapi, Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) berpendapat bahwa kena dalambahasa Melayu bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis pasif maupun aktif. Sebaliknya, kamimenganggap kena sebagai verba yang termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yakni tipe verbayang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu. Fenomena kawalan lucu adalah fenomena di manaargumen luar bagi predikat tertentu, yang dinamakan “predikat lucu,” (contohnya mau dancoba) bisa berasosiasi dengan argumen dalam maupun argumen luar bagi predikat klausasematan yang pasif. Kalimat kawalan lucu menimbulkan ambiguitas, meskipun ambiguitas ituselalu dihilangkan dengan adanya konteks linguistik dan/atau ekstralinguistik. Kalimat (3)memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu (Nomoto 2011).

(3) Ali mahu/cuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu.(i) ‘Ali mau/coba supaya dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’ (interpretasi kawalan biasa)(ii) ‘Perampok itu mau/coba membunuh Ali.’ (interpretasi bersilang) 1

Kedua interpretasi tersebut diilustrasikan seperti dalam (4) berikut.

(4) a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (3i)Ali perompak itu

‘yang mau/coba’ ‘yang dibunuh’ ‘yang membunuh’ (argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh) (argumen luar bunuh)

b. Interpretasi bersilang (3ii)Ali perompak itu

‘yang mau/coba’ ‘yang dibunuh’ ‘yang membunuh’ (argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh) (argumen luar bunuh)

Dalam kedua interpretasi, pelaku dan penerima perbuatan pembunuhan adalah sama, yaitu Aliyang dibunuh oleh perampok itu. Yang berbeda di antara kedua interpretasi tersebut adalahpihak mana yang berkemauan atau mencoba merealisasikan perbuatan pembunuhan itu. Dalaminterpretasi kawalan biasa (4a), entitas yang berkemauan atau mencoba (dibunuh) adalahargumen dalam, yaitu ‘Ali’, sementara dalam interpretasi bersilang (4b), entitas yangberkemauan atau mencoba (membunuh) adalah argumen luar, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Perbedaanini ditunjukkan dengan garis yang tebal.

Predikat lucu lazimnya terbatas kepada seperangkat predikat yang memiliki propertikhusus (Nomoto 2011). Dari segi semantiknya, predikat lucu mengandung makna modalitasyang mengekspresikan (i) sikap psikologis, misalnya mahu ‘mau’, ingin, dan cuba ‘coba’, atau(ii) keadaan ekstern yang dapat mempengaruhi kemungkinan suatu situasi akan direalisasikan,contohnya kata layak.2 Dari aspek morfologis, predikat lucu terbagi dua, yaitu yang tanpa afiksapa pun dan yang berprefiks ber- atau ter-. Morfem kena mempunyai kedua karekteristiktersebut.

Kena, sebagai predikat lucu, memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu yang memilikidua interpretasi. Kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan pasif seperti contoh (5) mempunyai duainterpretasi, yaitu interpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang, yang bisa digambarkanseperti (6). Seperti telah diuraikan di atas, semantik kena bisa diparafrasekan menjadi ‘ditekan

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oleh keadaan luar’ dan sebagainya. Jadi, “yang kena” dalam (6) berarti pihak yang ditekan olehkeadaan luar.

(5) Perompak itu kena ditangkap (oleh) polis.3

(i) ‘Perampok itu kena tangkap oleh polisi.’ (interpretasi kawalan biasa)(ii) ‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu./Perampok itu harus ditangkap oleh polis.’

(6) a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (5i)perompak itu polis

‘yang kena’ ‘yang ditangkap’ ‘yang menangkap’(argumen luar kena) (argumen dalam tangkap) (argumen luar tangkap)

b. Interpretasi bersilang (5ii)perompak itu polis

‘yang kena’ ‘yang ditangkap’ ‘yang menangkap’(argumen luar kena) (argumen dalam tangkap) (argumen luar tangkap)

Dalam interpretasi kawalan biasa (6a), entitas yang “kena” atau ditekan oleh keadaan luar agardia ditangkap adalah argumen dalam tangkap, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Keadaan luar menekan‘perompak itu’, tidak peduli suka atau tidak, untuk menjalani dan mengalami suatu tindakanyang tidak menyenangkan, yakni dia ‘ditangkap oleh polis(i)’. Sementara itu, dalam tafsiranbersilang (6b), entitas yang “kena” itu adalah ‘polis(i)’, yang merupakan argumen luar tangkap.Dalam kasus ini, keadaan luar, misalnya tuntutan masyarakat yang cukup kuat, menekan‘polis(i)’, tidak mempedulikan kemauan mereka sendiri, menjalani suatu tindakan, yakni‘perompak itu’ ‘ditangkap oleh’ mereka. Untuk menjalani tindakan itu, mereka “harus” atau“terpaksa” menangkap perampok tersebut.

Dari segi struktur kalimat, predikat lucu mengambil klausa berkurang (reduced clause)sebagai komplemennya, dan bukan klausa lengkap seperti TP dan CP. Secara khusus, Nomoto(2011) mengusulkan bahwa klausa komplemen predikat lucu adalah vP. Maka, kalimat kawalanlucu mempunyai struktur seperti yang ditunjukkan berikut.

(7) Struktur kalimat kawalan lucu

predikat lucu

tDP

v VP

… V …

V vP

TP

DPT vP

v VP

Seperti mana yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik pohon di atas, kalimat kawalan lucu melibatkanpergerakan DP, yaitu DP yang pada dasarnya menempati posisi Spek, vP bergerak naik keposisi Spek, TP. Hal ini terbukti berdasarkan fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa ambiguitas antarainterpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang hilang apabila predikat lucu dimarkahi olehprefiks meN-. Perhatikan contoh (8).

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(8) Ali mencuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu.(i) ‘Ali mencoba untuk dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’ (interpretasi kawalan biasa)(ii) *‘Perampok itu mencoba untuk membunuh Ali.’ (interpretasi bersilang)

Pada umumnya, telah diakui oleh para peneliti bahwa prefiks meN- merupakanpenghalang pada pergerakan DP (Saddy 1991; Soh 1998; Cole dan Hermon 1998). Berdasarkantemuan tersebut, masuk akal apabila kita berpikir bahwa hilangnya interpretasi bersilang dalamkalimat (8) disebabkan tidak adanya pergerakan DP karena pergerakan tersebut dihalangi olehprefiks meN- seperti ditunjukkan pada (9a) di bawah. Dengan kata lain, struktur kalimatkawalan lucu dengan predikat lucu seperti cuba ‘coba’ melibatkan pergerakan DP, sedangkankalimat non-kawalan lucu dengan predikat kawalan biasa seperti mencuba ‘mencoba’ tidakmelibatkan pergerakan DP. Sehubungan dengan hal tersebut, struktur kalimat (8) adalah (9b),yaitu struktur kawalan biasa dengan PRO.

(9) a. Alii mencuba [vP ti dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu].

b. Alii mencuba [CP [TP PROi dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu]].

Sebagai kesimpulan, berlandaskan ciri morfologis dan semantik yang telahdikemukakan, morfem kena dalam bahasa Melayu termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu sepertijuga verba cuba ‘coba’ dan mahu ‘mau’. Kena sebagai predikat lucu menempati V, danmengambil vP sebagai komplemennya.

Kena dan Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat

Pada bagian 2.2 di atas telah disebutkan fakta-fakta semantik dan sintaktik yang mendukungusulan bahwa kena termasuk kelas predikat lucu. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalampenilaian), kena bukan merupakan morfem pemarkah pasif, karena morfem tersebut dapat hadirbersama-sama pemarkah diatesis morfologis, yaitu pemarkah aktif meN-4 dan juga pemarkahpasif di-. Perhatikan contoh berikut.

(10) a. Polis kena [vP men-[t]angkap perompak itu]. ‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu.’b. Perompak itu kena [vP di-tangkap oleh polis]. ‘Perampok itu kena ditangkap oleh polisi.’

Dalam contoh (10) terlihat jelas bahwa morfem kena dapat hadir bersama-samapemarkah aktif meN- maupun pemarkah pasif di-. Tambahan pula, kena juga dapat munculpada kalimat aktif lugas (bare active) dan kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive), yang juga dikenalsebagai Pasif Tipe 2 (P2), seperti di bawah.

(11) a. Aku kena [vP ØAKTIF tembak monyet-monyet liar itu]. ‘Aku harus tembak monyet-monyet liar itu.’b. Monyet-monyet liar itu kena [vP ØPASIF aku tembak].5

Contoh-contoh (10) dan (11) di atas tidak bisa dijelaskan jika kena merupakan morfempemarkah pasif maupun pemarkah aktif. Oleh karena itu, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa tidakada pemarkah diatesis yang nyata atau eksplisit yang terkandung pada kalimat kena (apabilakena tidak diikuti oleh pemarkah diatesis morfologis tertentu). Dengan kata lain, alternasidiatesis yang terdapat pada kalimat kena aktif dan kalimat kena pasif dalam bahasa Melayuadalah bersifat tersirat atau implisit, atau disebut juga sebagai alternasi diatesis tersirat (covertvoice alternation). Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kena dirumuskan seperti dalam (12)dan (13).

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(12) Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kenaa. Aktif DPluar kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP V DPdalam ]]6

b. Pasif DPdalam kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP V] (oleh) DPluar ]

(13) a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]]. (aktif)‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’

b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali]. (pasif)

ØAKTIF dalam (12a) dan (13a) adalah pemarkah diatesis nol (Ø) pada kalimat aktif lugas.Dengan berlandaskan urutan kata dan keopsionalan preposisi oleh, ØPASIF2 dalam (12b) dan(13b) bukan pemarkah diatesis nol pada kalimat pasif lugas. Sebaliknya, kami beranggapanbahwa ØPASIF2 adalah alomorf nol secara fonologis kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis, yaitu di-.

Bagian 2 tulisan ini telah membahas konstruksi pasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu yangmempunyai padanan kalimat aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengekspresi makna ‘harus’.Selain itu, telah dibahas pula bahwa kena adalah predikat lucu, yang terkait dengan fenomenakawalan lucu. Dalam struktur kalimat predikat lucu, kena menempati V, dan mengambil vPsebagai komplemennya. Selain itu, dibahas juga bahwa bahasa Melayu mempunyai alternasidiatesis tersirat yang terdapat pada kalimat kena. Bagian 3 selanjutnya akan membahaskankalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia.

KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA

Pada permulaan makalah ini, kita sudah melihat perbedaan di antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasaIndonesia berkenaan dengan kalimat kena. Kalimat kena seperti (1), yang ditulis ulang dibawah sebagai (14), dapat dipahami dengan dua makna. Menurut analisis kami yangdikemukakan di bagian 2, kedua interpretasi berdasarkan sintaksis kalimat yang berlainan, yakniinterpretasi (i) berdasarkan kalimat pasif sedangkan interpretasi (ii), di mana kata kenamengungkapkan makna keharusan, berdasarkan kalimat aktif.

(14) Ali kena tipu wanita itu.(i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’ (Indonesia dan Malaysia)(ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’. (Malaysia sahaja)

Analisis kami terhadap kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu ini berarti bahwa kalimat kena dalambahasa Indonesia memiliki pola pasif saja. Hal ini menimbulkan satu persoalan, yaitu mengapakalimat kena yang berpola aktif tidak dibenarkan dalam bahasa Indonesia? Bagian inimengusulkan jawaban pada persoalan tersebut.

Usulan

Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambilargumen luar yang terpengaruh ([+AFF]), berbeda daripada kena dalam bahasa Melayu, yangdikemukakan sebagai predikat lucu. Menurut analisis tradisional, kalimat kawalan mengandungPRO, seperti contoh (15).

(15) Ibui mencoba [PROi memasak spageti].

Mencoba pada kalimat di atas adalah verba kawalan, sementara PRO adalah subjek nol yangterkandung pada klausa yang tersemat. PRO memiliki hubungan saling rujuk (coreferential)dengan subjek nyata, yaitu DP ibu. Dengan kata lain, DP ibu merupakan pengontrol(controller) terhadap PRO.

Dalam pada itu, kami mengasumsikan bahwa pada kalimat kawalan, PRO dan DPpengontrol harus koheren secara semantik, seperti (16a) dan (17a). Kalau tidak, kalimatnyatidak berterima, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (16b−d) dan (17b−d).

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(16) a. DPi[+α] … PROi[+α] (nilai fitur sama)b. *DPi[+α] … PROi[−α] (nilai fitur berbeda)c. *DPi[±α] … PROi (PRO tidak memiliki fitur relevan)d. *DPi … PROi[±α] (pengontrol tidak memiliki fitur relevan)

(17) a. Theyi[+PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas]. ‘Mereka coba berkumpul di Monas.’b. *Shei[−PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas]. ‘*Dia coba berkumpul di Monas.’c. *I wanted the skyi[θ] [PROi to rain]. cf. I wanted iti [PROi to rain]. ‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’ ‘Saya ingin hujan.’d. *I wanted PROi [the skyi[θ] to rain]. ‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’

(= versi kawalan ke belakang (backward control) bagi (c))

Dalam hal tersebut, kami mengusulkan bahwa ciri-ciri semantik yang relevan untukkalimat kena adalah ciri-ciri yang terkait dengan makna keterpengaruhan (affectedness). Hal inisejajar dengan deskripsi dalam penelitian terdahulu yang melaporkan bahwa subjek padakalimat pasif kena lazimnya merupakan entitas yang terpengaruh (Koh 1990; Bao dan Wee1999; Chung 2005), terkena pengaruh, atau dipengaruhi oleh sesuatu. Menyentuh tentangketerpengaruhan, Beavers (2011) membedakan empat tingkat keterpengaruhan yang didasarkanpada bagaimana suatu predikat menentukan perubahan yang dialami oleh argumen benda(theme). Hirarki tersebut adalah seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik berikut.

(18) Hirarki Keterpengaruhan (Beavers 2011)

A.Perubahanterkuantisasi(quantized)

>

B.Perubahan takterkuantisasi(non-quantized)

>

C.Potensiuntukperubahan

>

D.Tiadaspesifikasimengenaiperubahan

penyelesaian(accomplishment)/pencapaian(achievement)

pencapaianderajat (degreeachievement)/pemotongan

sentuhanpermukaan/dampak

lain-lainaktivitas/keadaan

break ‘pecah’, shatter‘remuk’

widen ‘melebar’,cool ‘menyejuk’,cut ‘memotong’

wipe‘menyapu’,hit‘memukul’

see ‘nampak’,smell‘mencium’

Berdasarkan hirarki keterpengaruhan ini, kami mengasumsikan bahwa dalam setiap klausa,indeks [+AFF] diberikan kepada DP yang memiliki “potensi perubahan” atau mengalamiperubahan sebenarnya, yaitu A, B dan C dalam (18). Sebagai contoh, DP Ali pada kalimat (19a)dan (19b) diberi indeks [+AFF].

(19) a. Wanita itu menipu Ali[+AFF].

b. Ali[+AFF] ditipu oleh wanita itu.

Mari kita kembali kepada permasalahan mengenai kalimat kena dalam bahasaIndonesia: mengapa kalimat kena hanya memiliki pola pasif tetapi tidak memiliki pola aktif?Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dapat hadir pada klausa pasif, karena PRO dan pengontrolnya

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memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, pada kalimat kena pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnyaterpengaruh, sehingga keduanya koheren secara semantik.

(20) PasifAlii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi[+AFF] ØPASIF2 tipu oleh wanita itu]].

Sementara itu, pada kalimat aktif, hanya pengontrol saja yang memiliki indeks [+AFF],sedangkan PRO tidak mengandung indeks [+AFF]. Malahan, dalam klausa sematan, DP objekwanita itu terpengaruh oleh perbuatan penipuan, sehingga memiliki indeks [+AFF].

(21) Aktif*Alii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi ØAKTIF tipu wanita itu[+AFF]]].

Hal ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif.Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia ditunjukkan pada (22).

(22) Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia

V CP

TP

T vP

v VP

DPi [+AFF]

VPv

… V …

Ckena

TP

vPT

ØPASIF2

PROi [+AFF]

Berdasarkan struktur (22) di atas, terlihat bahwa kena sebagai verba kawalanmengambil CP sebagai komplemennya. Hal ini berbeda dengan kalimat kena dalam bahasaMelayu di mana kena sebagai predikat lucu yang mengambil vP sebagai komplemannya(bandingkan dengan struktur (7)). Struktur (22) juga menunjukkan bahwa PRO dan DPpengontrol memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, PRO dan pengontrol koheren secarasemantik. Perhatikan juga bahwa DP pada struktur kalimat kawalan tidak mengalami kenaikan,berbeda dengan DP yang terdapat pada kalimat predikat lucu yang mengalami penaikan keposisi Spek, TP.

Prediksi

Bagian ini meneliti prediksi yang terkait dengan struktur (22). Terdapat tiga prediksi sepertiberikut:

(23) a. Prediksi 1: Pemarkah pasif morfologis di- dapat muncul pada kalimat pasif kenakarena ØPASIF2 adalah variasi yang tersirat bagi di- (lihat bagian 2).

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b. Prediksi 2: Karena ØPASIF2 ditemukan pada kalimat pasif kena, maka ia jugaseharusnya dapat ditemukan pada konstruksi yang lain, dan konstruksi tersebutmemperlihatkan alternasi diatesis tersirat.

c. Prediksi 3: Unsur C/T yang tersirat mungkin muncul pada kalimat pasif kena.

Sehubungan dengan Prediksi 1, adalah mudah sekali untuk menemukan kalimat pasifkena bersama dengan pemarkah pasif morfologis di-. Perhatikan contoh (24).

(24) a. “Aduh sakit, bibirku kena di-pukul sama polisi,” kata Uci.7

b. Dia kena di-tipu oleh seorang yang mengaku mewakili Tumenggung.8

Fakta tersebut tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan dengan analisis alternatif yang mungkin,yaitu analisis yang menganalisis kena sebagai pemarkah diatesis pasif, seperti pada contoh (25).

(25) Wanita itu [vP kena [VP tipu] oleh Ali].

Berdasarkan analisis tersebut, kena dan pemarkah pasif di- masing-masing dianggap mendudukiposisi struktural yang sama, yaitu di v.

Prediksi 3 adalah menyangkut tentang kehadiran untuk pada kalimat pasif kena. Kamiberasumsi bahwa kata untuk merupakan komplementiser atau unsur T dalam bahasa Indonesia(dan juga dalam bahasa Melayu). Sesungguhnya kalimat pasif kena yang mengandung katauntuk bisa ditemukan di dalam internet.

(26) a. Siapakah yang paling mudah/berpontensi kena untuk dibrainwash?9, 10

b. Pada saat razia rambut yang selalu kena untuk dicukur gratis oleh bu Niken adalahgigih.11

Namun, konsultan kami menilai bahwa kedua kalimat pasif kena yang terdapat kata untuksebagai kalimat yang ganjil. Kalimat tersebut berterima jika kata untuk dihilangkan.

Kami berpikir bahwa penilaian konsultan kami dapat dipahami apabila kitamemedulikan kenyataan tentang kata untuk. Bahasa Indonesia memiliki unsur C/T nol yangdapat beralternasi dengan untuk.

(27) Saya mencoba untuk/Ø merokok Dji Sam Soe. (Sneddon 1996: 295)

Sneddon (1996) mengatakan bahwa “kata untuk jarang muncul mengikuti beberapa verbautama, seperti mencoba.” Kena dianggap sebagai salah satu verba utama. Kemunculannyabersama untuk terlihat lebih jarang daripada mencoba. Dalam bagian 4 berikut, akan diuraikanPrediksi 2 yang membahas alternasi diatesis tersirat dalam bahasa Indonesia.

PREDIKSI 2: ALTERNASI DIATESIS TERSIRAT

Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat

Seperti yang telah disebut dalam bagian 2, kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu menunjukkanalternasi diatesis tersirat, seperti dalam contoh (14) yang dikemukakan ulang pada (28) dibawah.

(28) a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]] (aktif) ‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali]. (pasif)

Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini muncul karena walaupun dua kalimat memperlihatkan alternasidiatesis secara sintaksis, namun tidak ada pemarkah nyata yang menunjukkan diatesis ini secarafonologis. Pemarkah pasif yang digunakan di dalam kalimat pasif di atas adalah ØPASIF2, yaituvarian nol kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis di-.

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Menurut analisis kami di bagian 3, morfem ØPASIF2 juga digunakan dalam kalimat pasifkena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Hal ini berarti bahwa alternasi diatesis tersirat juga ditemukandalam bahasa Indonesia, khususnya dalam kalimat yang melibatkan ØPASIF2.

Dalam penelitian terdahulu terhadap bahasa Melayu, pernah dicatat bahwa kalimat ter-beralternasi diatesis tanpa pemarkah nyata maupun urutan kata khas seperti contoh (29) dibawah (Za‘ba 2000: 213; Abdullah 1974: 107; Nik Safiah dkk. 2008: 174).

(29) a. Polis tertangkap lelaki itu. (aktif) ‘Polisi salah menangkap laki-laki itu.’b. Lelaki itu tertangkap (oleh) polis. (pasif) ‘Laki-laki itu salah ditangkap oleh polisi.’

Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menganalisis alternasi seperti ini sebagai kasus alternasidiatesis tersirat. Menurut analisis kami, kalimat-kalimat (29) mempunyai struktur dalam (30).

(30) a. Polis ter- [vP ØAKTIF [VP tangkap lelaki itu]]. (aktif)b. Lelaki itu ter- [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tangkap] (oleh) polis]. (pasif)

Berdasarkan keberadaan alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Melayu,kemungkinan besar kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkan alternasi diatesistersirat. Bagian selanjutnya akan mengurai persoalan apakah alternasi diatesis tersirat benar-benar terdapat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia.

Apakah Ada Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat pada Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia?

Penelitian Terdahulu mengenai Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia

Prefiks ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, memiliki pelbagai fungsi (Sneddon 1996; Alwi dkk. 1998).Pada umumnya, fungsi ter- dapat diklasifikasikan dalam tiga kategori, yaitu (i) kebetulan(accidental), (ii) keadaan hasil (result state) dan (iii) kemampuan (abilitative).12 Contoh-contohketiga fungsi ini diturunkan di bawah.

(31) a. Kebetulan Latif tertidur di kelas. (Sneddon 1996: 114)b. Keadaan hasil Patung dewa itu terbuat dari emas. (Sneddon 1996: 113)c. Kemampuan Mobil semahal itu tidak terbeli oleh saya. (Sneddon 1996: 116)

Kebanyakan penelitian bahasa Indonesia beranggapan bahwa semua tipe kalimat ter-adalah pasif. Sebagai contoh, Sneddon (1996) menyatakan bahwa argumen disusun sepertikalimat pasif bagi semua tipe kalimat ter-. Lebih jelasnya adalah sebagai berikut:

Verba kebetulan transitif adalah pasif. (hlm. 114)Semua konstruksi kemampuan adalah transitif serta pasif. (hlm. 116)Semua verba ter- statif berkoresponden dengan verba pasif dasar .... (hlm. 113)13

Namun demikian, Sneddon menyebut satu perkecualian yang berkaitan dengan verba teringat.Menurut Sneddon (1996: 116), selain penggunaan dalam struktur pasif, verba teringatmempunyai penggunaan dalam struktur aktif seperti yang ditunjukkan pada (32) di bawah.

(32) a. Saya teringat akan keluarga saya. (aktif)b. Keluarga itu teringat oleh saya. (pasif)

(Sneddon 1996: 116)

Perlu disebutkan di sini bahwa verba teringat dalam contoh (32a) adalah verba intransitif, danberbeda dari verba tertangkap pada kalimat aktif ter- bahasa Melayu dalam contoh (29) yangmerupakan verba transitif.

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Alwi dkk. (1998) menguraikan seolah-olah verba ter- diterbitkan berdasarkan verbapasif yang berprefiks di-. Hal ini jelas terlihat dalam kutipan di bawah.

Verba yang berprefiks ter- pada umumnya erat berkaitan dengan verba yang berprefiksdi-.

Contoh membawa à dibawa à terbawa mengungkapkan à diungkapkan à terungkapkan memenuhi à dipenuhi à terpenuhi

(hlm.130−131)

Jika kalimat aktif diubah menjadi kalimat pasif dan dalam kalimat pasif itu terkandungpula pengertian bahwa perbuatan yang dinyatakan oleh verba itu mengandung unsuryang tak sengaja, maka bentuk prefiks yang dipakai untuk verba bukan di-, melainkanter-. (hlm. 348)

Tambahan pula, semua contoh kalimat ter- yang diberikan mereka mengikuti susunan argumenpasif. Jadi, dapat dikatakan bahwa mereka menganggap ter- sebagai pemarkah pasif.

Jika semua kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah “pasif,” yaitu tidak langsungmemperlihatkan alternasi diatesis, maka ter- lebih baik dianalisa sebagai pemarkah intransitifatau pengintransitif (intransitiviser) yang memiliki semantik modal/aspektual, serupa sepertisufiks -e yang terdapat dalam bahasa Jepang.14

(33) Transitif Intransitif15

a. mi-ru ‘melihat’ mi-e-ru ‘terlihat, (bisa) dilihat’b. tur-u ‘memancing’ tur-e-ru ‘terpancing, (bisa) dipancing’c. war-u ‘memecahkan’ war-e-ru ‘terpecah, (bisa) dipecahkan’

Jika fakta empiris bahasa Indonesia benar-benar seperti yang dilaporkan oleh Sneddon (1996)dan Alwi dkk. (1998), maka tidak ada alasan untuk mengandaikan keberadaan ØPASIF2 padakalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, sebagaimana yang terdapat dalam bahasa Melayu. Hal iniberarti bahwa konstruksi pasif kena adalah satu-satunya tempat munculnya ØPASIF2, danmembuat analisis kami agak stipulatif.

Namun demikian, Mintz (2002) telah mengemukakan contoh yang menunjukkankalimat ter- aktif yang bersifat transitif, seperti berikut.16

(34) a. Sofiah terpijak kaki saya ketika kami naik basb. Anak Hamid tertelan benda-benda yang kotor. (Mintz 2002: 199)

Seandainya deskripsi yang dikemukakan oleh Sneddon (1996) adalah tepat, maka kalimat-kalimat dalam (34), seharusnya tidak gramatikal. Seharusnya kalimat-kalimat tersebut ditukarmenjadi kalimat intransitif (“dipasifkan”), seperti dalam contoh di bawah.

(35) a. Kaki saya terpijak oleh Sofiah ketika kami naik bis.b. Benda-benda yang kotor tertelan oleh anak Hamid.

Alwi dkk. (1998) tidak mengatakan apakah kalimat seperti pada (34) dapat berterima atau tidak.Satu persoalan yang timbul dari hal ini ialah apakah kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif

adalah gramatikal, dapat berterima dalam bahasa Indonesia atau sebaliknya? Jawaban positifuntuk pertanyaan ini berarti bahwa kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkanalternasi diatesis tersirat, dan turut mengesahkan keberadaan ØPASIF2 yang digunakan dalamanalisis kami terhadap konstruksi pasif kena.

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Kalimat ter- yang Aktif dan Transitif dalam Penggunaan yang Sebenarnya

Untuk meneliti kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam penggunaan yang sebenarnya, kamitelah mencari data dari internet dan menemukan cukup banyak contoh-contoh klausa ter- yangterkait. Beberapa contoh dari data tersebut dikemukakan seperti berikut (dan pada Lampiran A).

(36) Kemungkinan gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan termakan racun yangditebar masyarakat tadi, kata Fadli.17

(37) ..., rupanya penyebabnya adalah “si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsa”18

(38) Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus anak tertelan koin harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kataJames S. Reily, MD, ....19

(39) Kemarin gw sempat ternonton salah satu episodnya oprah tentang umr.20

(40) Jika saat makan, baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit atauterkena air saat minum segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut ....’21

Kami menggunakan dua kriteria berikut untuk membedakan klausa ter- transitif dariyang intrasitif, yaitu (i) kalimat pasif yang dibentuk dari kalimat yang tampak transitif tersebutadalah gramatikal, dan (ii) kalimat yang sama tetapi tanpa prefiks ter- (atau dengan prefiksmeN- alih-alih ter-) adalah berterima. Sebagai contoh, gajah [...] termakan racun [...]dalamcontoh (36) dianggap sebagai klausa transitif aktif, karena dua kalimat berikut adalah berterima,yaitu (i) Racun termakan oleh gajah dan (ii) Gajah (me-)makan racun. Tugas membedakanklausa transitif dengan klausa intransitif menjadi agak rumit jika suatu klausa tersebut tidakmengandung DP yang nyata sebelum verba ter-. Hal ini karena klausa seperti itu bisa dianalisisdengan dua cara, yaitu sebagai klausa transitif aktif yang tidak memiliki subjek nyata (terjadikarena koordinasi, relativisasi dan sebagainya) dan sebagai klausa intransitif (“pasif”) yangsatu-satunya argumen verbanya hadir di belakang verba. Hanya dalam kasus kedua tersebut,kita bisa menyisipkan frase preposisi agentif dengan oleh setelah verba ter-. Pertimbangkan(41) berikut.

(41) Tewasnya Agnes sebenarnya sudah diduga oleh warga sekitar. Pasalnya beberapa hariAgnes tidak terlihat, dan tiba-tiba tercium bau menyengat dari kamar gadis tersebut.22

Klausa yang ditunjukkan dengan huruf miring adalah intransitif. Pelaku tercium bukanlahAgnes di dalam kalimat yang sama, melainkan warga sekitar yang muncul pada kalimatsebelumnya. Jadi, frase oleh warga sekitar bisa disisipkan setelah verba tercium.

Berkaitan dengan kalimat-kalimat (36)−(40) di atas, kami juga telah memilih empatkonsultan/penutur bahasa Indonesia dan meneliti bagaimana derajat keberterimaan kalimat-kalimat tersebut dan variannya dengan klausa pasif ter- bagi mereka. Empat konsultan/penuturyang dipilih berasal dari Lampung (Penutur 1), Medan (Penutur 2), Semarang (Penutur 3) danJakarta (Penutur 4). Kuesioner yang digunakan untuk tujuan penelitian ini dikemukakan dalamLampiran B. Hasil penelitian kami adalah seperti yang tercatat dalam (42).

(42) Hasil penelitiana. Aktif: ‘DP1 ter-V DP2’

Kalimat [verba] Penutur 1 Penutur 2 Penutur 3 Penutur 4(36) [termakan] OK ? ? *?(37) [terminum] OK *? ? *?(38) [tertelan] OK ? *? *?(39) [ternonton]23 OK OK *? OK(40) [terciprat] OK ? OK ?(40) [terkena] OK OK OK *?

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b. Pasif: (a) ‘DP2 ter-V oleh DP1’, (b) ‘ter-V oleh DP1 DP2’

Kalimat [verba]Penutur 1 Penutur 2 Penutur 3 Penutur 4(a) (b) (a) (b) (a) (b) (a) (b)

(36) [termakan] *? * *? OK OK OK OK OK(37) [terminum] * *? OK *? OK ? OK ?(38) [tertelan] *? * OK * OK ? OK ?(39) [ternonton] ? * ? *? ? OK *? ?(40) [terciprat] ? * ? *? *? *? ? *?(40) [terkena] * *? *? *? ? *? OK ?

c. Lambang:OK: “betul dan cocok”?: “betul tetapi kurang cocok”*?: “bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil”*: “salah”

Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penutur 1 lebih memilih pola aktif dibandingkanpola pasif, sementara penutur yang lain lebih cenderung memilih pola pasif. Namun demikian,mereka juga menerima pola aktif dalam beberapa contoh. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ditemukanuntuk penutur 2, 3 dan 4, di bagian yang digelapkan pada hasil penelitian dalam (42).Berdasarkan fakta tersebut, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa bahasa Indonesia juga memilikikalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif, yaitu kalimat ter- dengan ØAKTIF, dan juga mempunyaialternasi diatesis tersirat, yaitu alternasi antara kalimat dengan ØAKTIF dan kalimatberkoresponden dengan ØPASIF2. Oleh karena itu, prediksi 2 juga telah terbukti. Tampaknyaperbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia bukanlah “bahasa Melayu mempunyaialternasi diatesis tersirat sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak” maupun “kalimat ter- (yangbermakna kebetulan) dalam bahasa Melayu mengikuti pola aktif sedangkan kalimat ter- dalambahasa Indonesia mengikuti pola pasif.” Perbedaan yang sebenarnya lebih halus sifatnya, yaituØAKTIF pada kalimat ter- tersebar luas dalam bahasa Melayu, sedangkan penyebaran morfemtersebut terbatas dalam bahasa Indonesia (kecuali pada penutur 1).

PENUTUP

Rumusan

Perbincangan dalam makalah ini telah mencapai tiga kesimpulan penting. Pertama, kena padakalimat pasif kena bukanlah pemarkah diatesis pasif, melainkan verba modal baik dalam bahasaMelayu maupun bahasa Indonesia. Secara spesifik, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kenaadalah predikat lucu dalam bahasa Melayu, sementara kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalahverba kawalan. Maka kalimat Ali kena tipu (oleh) wanita itu mempunyai struktur berbeda diantara dua bahasa, yaitu (43) dalam bahasa Melayu dan (44) dalam bahasa Indonesia.

(43) Bahasa Melayua. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]]. (aktif) ‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’b. Ali kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu]. (pasif)

(44) Bahasa Indonesiaa. *Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu [+AFF]]]]]. (aktif)b. Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [+AFF] [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu]]]. (pasif)

Kedua, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (44b) di atas, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia bisamenyematkan klausa pasif, karena pada klausa pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secarasemantik. Secara spesifik, keduanya memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Sebaliknya, kriteria ini didapatitidak berlaku pada klausa aktif karena PRO tidak memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Oleh karena itu,

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kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan aktif seperti kalimat (44a) di atas mengingkari kondisikoherensi semantik di antara PRO dan pengontrolnya. Hal ini menjawab pertanyaan mengapabahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif yang terkait dengan makna ‘harus’,sebagaimana kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu.

Ketiga, analisis yang dirumuskan di (43) dan (44) di atas juga menunjukkan bahwaalternasi diatesis tersirat terdapat dengan jelas di dalam bahasa Melayu, khususnya pada kalimatkena dan kalimat ter-. Namun demikian, bahasa Indonesia juga didapati mempunyai alternasidiatesis tersirat, seperti yang ditemukan pada kalimat ter-.

Selain temuan-temuan tersebut, makalah ini memperlihatkan bahwa denganmelaksanakan studi perbandingan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia, kita dapatmembuka persoalan-persoalan yang belum pernah tersentuh atau belum terjawab dibandingapabila penelitian hanya dibuat dari satu bahasa saja. Justru penelitian seperti ini dapatmenawarkan wawasan baru untuk menganalisa fenomena bahasa dalam kedua bahasa.

Implikasi: Perkembangan Penggunaan-penggunaan Kata Kena

Analisis kami menunjukkan hipotesis yang bersifat lancar dan masuk akal tentangperkembangan penggunaan kata kena. Hipotesis itu bisa dirumuskan seperti dalam (45) dibawah.

(45) Perkembangan penggunaan-penggunaan kata kenaPERINGKAT SINTAKSIS SEMANTIK GOLONGAN

a. sentuhan secara fisik‘tersentuh, tertabrak’

kena DP <Sasaran, Benda> verba transitifnormal

↓ perubahan semantik (perubahan medan)b. sentuhan secara

abstrak ‘dapat;terkena’

kena DP <Sasaran/Pengalam,Benda/Peristiwa>

verba transitifnormal

↓ perubahan sintaksis (komplemen klausa)c. pasif penderitaan

(adversatif)kena CP <Pengalam, Peristiwa> verba kawalan

(tradisional)↓ perubahan sintaksis (pergerakan)

d. pasif penderitaan(adversatif) & debitif‘harus’

kena vP <Pengalam, Peristiwa> verba kawalanlucu

(a) Mula-mula kata kena hanya mempunyai penggunaan sebagai verba transitif normaldengan makna sentuhan secara fisik ‘tersentuh, tertabrak’. Sebagai verba transitifnormal, kena mengambil satu DP sebagai komplemennya dan DP ini dipahamisebagai Benda, yaitu entitas yang bergerak. Subjek kalimat kena berperan sebagaiSasaran, yaitu entitas yang menjadi tujuan Benda tersebut. Contoh penggunaankena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (46) dan (47).

(46) Bahasa MelayuTanganku kena [DP pisau] tapi tak berdarah.Sasaran Benda

(47) Bahasa IndonesiaTangan ku kena [DP pisau] tapi gak berdarah.24

Sasaran Benda

(b) Kemudian, terjadi perubahan semantik, yaitu perubahan medan dari medan fisik kemedan abstrak. Perubahan ini juga mempengaruhi kerangka teta. DP yang diambiloleh kena bisa dipahami sebagai Peristiwa juga. Dalam kasus ini, DP subjekberperan Pengalam (experiencer). Tidak ada perubahan apa-apa dengan polasintaksis. Contoh penggunaan kena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (48) dan (49).

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(48) Bahasa Melayua. Gerai-gerai makan kecil pun boleh kena [DP cukai]. Sasaran Bendab. Saya dan rakan kena [DP pemeriksaan berjam] di Airport, ....25

Pengalam Peristiwa

(49) Bahasa Indonesiaa. Warung-warung makan kecil bisa kena [DP pajak] ....26

Sasaran Bendab. ... saya kena [DP penipuan oleh ibu Margaretno Ningsih] yang ....27

Pengalam Peristiwa

(c) Perubahan semantik yang terjadi pada peringkat (b) membolehkan perubahansintaksis dari verba transitif normal ke verba kawalan (tradisional), yang mengambilklausa lengkap, yaitu CP. Hal ini karena peristiwa lebih biasa diasosiasi denganCP, meskipun ia juga boleh diekspresi dengan DP. Oleh karena kondisi yangmenuntut PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secara semantik, hanya kalimat pasifyang gramatikal. Kalimat pasif ini biasanya disebut kalimat pasif kena atau kalimatpasif penderitaan (adversatif). Tiada perubahan besar dari segi semantik.

(d) Perkembangan selanjutnya hanya terjadi dalam bahasa Melayu. Perubahan yangterjadi bersifat sintaktis. Secara spesifik, struktur klausanya dikecilkan dari CP kevP. Dalam bahasa Melayu (dan juga bahasa Indonesia), verba yang mengambil vPsebagai komplemen adalah predikat lucu seperti cuba/coba dan mahu/mau. Jadi,verba kena pada peringkat ini merupakan kelas predikat lucu, dan oleh karena itu,memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu, seperti yang diterangkan di bagian 2.2 diatas. Karena derivasi kalimat kawalan lucu tidak melibatkan PRO dan kondisiterhadapnya, kedua klausa aktif dan pasif adalah gramatikal. Kami berpendapatbahwa perkembangan dari peringkat (c) ke peringkat (d) dimudahkan denganalternasi diatesis tersirat. Hanya bahasa Melayu saja yang sampai ke peringkat (d)karena alternasi diatesis tersirat lebih luas penyebarannya dalam bahasa Melayu jikadibandingkan dengan bahasa Indonesia.

Perkembangan yang mungkin terjadi kemudian adalah perubahan kategori sintaksis katakena dari verba (V) ke kata bantu (T). Ramalan ini berdasarkan kemiripan antara V dan T,yakni keduanya bisa mengambil vP sebagai komplemen. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalampenilaian), kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu berperilaku sama dengan verba cuba ‘coba’, danbukan dengan kata bantu sudah. Hal ini berarti bahwa perubahan kategori sintaksis yang kamiprediksikan masih belum terjadi, walaupun ia dapat terjadi secara teoretis.

Persoalan Tersisa

Terdapat dua persoalan tersisa. Persoalan tersisa pertama berkaitan dengan indeks [+AFF].Analisis kami menggunakan indeks ini untuk menjelaskan persoalan mengapa kena dalambahasa Indonesia tidak bisa menyematkan klausa aktif. Namun demikian, status teoretis [+AFF]masih belum jelas dalam perbincangan ini. Banyak para peneliti telah menunjukkan adanyakaitan di antara “keterpengaruhan” dengan peran tematik. Dowty (1991), misalnya, telahmenggunakan konsep tersebut untuk mendefinisikan Peran-Proto (Proto-Role) Pelaku danPenderita. Persoalannya adalah apakah [+AFF] merupakan sejenis fitur-θ? Jika demikian,apakah fitur [+AFF] itu bisa memicu pergerakan sintaksis? Jackendoff (1990: bab 7)mengusulkan suatu fungsi yang terkait dengan keterpengaruhan, yaitu AFF. Peran Aktor danPenderita/Pemanfaat (Beneficiary) masing-masing didefinisikan sebagai argumen pertama dankedua pada fungsi ini. AFF ada tiga macam, yaitu (i) AFF+ (mempengaruhi secara positif), (ii)AFF− (mempengaruhi secara negatif) dan (iii) AFF0 (tidak ada perlawanan positif-negatif).Dalam makalah ini, kami menggunakan [+AFF] seperti fitur privatif. Namun, apakah

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tanggapan ini dapat diterima? Haruskah kita membedakan beberapa jenis keterpengaruhanseperti yang dilakukan oleh Jackendoff? Bosse dkk. (akan terbit) mengusulkan kepalafungsional khusus berkenaan dengan hubungan antara peristiwa dan pengalam yang terpengaruholeh peristiwa itu. Persoalannya adalah bagaimanakah indeks [+AFF] itu diberikan? Apakah iadiberikan oleh verba tertentu atau pemberiannya ditentukan secara struktural? Keberadaan[+AFF] memerlukan penelitian lebih lanjut.

Persoalan tersisa yang kedua adalah berkaitan dengan kalimat ter- aktif dan transitifdalam bahasa Indonesia. Dalam bagian 4.2.2, kami telah mengesahkan bahwa kalimat ter- aktifdan transitif memang digunakan dan diterima oleh para penutur. Namun demikian, pada masayang sama, kami juga menemukan variasi di kalangan penutur dan juga di antara kalimat darisisi kadar penerimaan mereka (lihat (42)). Persoalannya di sini adalah apakah faktor-faktoryang menyebabkan variasi tersebut? Apakah variasi ini disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor sepertidialek penutur, konstruksi yang tertentu (misalnya urutan kata atau klausa relatif) ataupun faktoryang terkait dengan aspek makna (misalnya golongan verba yang bermakna pencernaan,pemukulan, dan lain-lain)? Persoalan-persoalan ini sudah pasti memerlukan penelitian yanglebih lanjut untuk menemukan jawabannya.

CATATAN

1 Kedua istilah ini adalah terjemahan dari istilah “normal control reading” dan “crossed reading” dalamPolinsky dan Potsdom (2008).

2 Nomoto (2011) mendaftar contoh-contoh kalimat yang melibatkan predikat lucu dalam bahasaMelayu, seperti berani, berjaya ‘sukses’, berhak, berhasil, berusaha, cuba ‘coba’, enggan, gagal,hendak (lisan nak), ingin, malas, malu, mampu, rela, sempat, suka, takut dan terpaksa.

3 Pola kata kena diikuti dengan klausa pasif di- seperti contoh ini tidak berterima bagi sebagian penuturbahasa Melayu.

4 Nomoto (2010) dan Soh (2010) berpendapat bahwa kemungkinan besar meN- bukan pemarkah aktif.Apakah meN- berperan sebagai pemarkah aktif atau sebaliknya bukanlah hal penting dalam klaimkami, karena morfem kena juga muncul pada kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive) dalam bahasaMelayu.

5 Kriteria kalimat pasif lugas ada dua. Pertama, dari segi morfologi verba, verba tidak diberi pemarkahdiatesis nyata seperti di-, sehingga verbanya “lugas.” Kedua, dari segi urutan kata, tidak sepertipasif morfologis, pelaku muncul di belakang kata bantu, adverba dan negasi. Dengan kata lain, tidakberlaku kenaikan DP pelaku dari Spek, vP ke Spek, TP. Karakteristik kedua tidak bisa terlihat secarajelas dalam kalimat kena karena, seperti dinyatakan di bagian terdahulu, klausa sematan yang diambiloleh kena adalah vP yang tidak mempunyai posisi untuk kata bantu, adverba dan negasi.

6 Subskrip “dalam” dan “luar” menunjukkan bahwa DP masing-masing adalah argumen dalam danargumen luar bagi verba dalam klausa sematan.

7 http://bakumsu.or.id/news/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=521:demo-buruhricuh&catid=51:perburuhan (diakses pada 12/06/2011)

8 http://212.ardiansyah.web.id/pdf/138.%20Pernikahan%20Dengan%20Mayat.pdf (diakses pada12/06/2011)

9 http://www.e-psikologi.com/epsi/sosial.asp (diakses pada 09/06/2011)10 Penulis yang sama juga menggunakan ungkapan tanpa untuk, yaitu berpotensi di-brainwash, dalam

penulisan yang sama.11 http://atiqahkoto.blogspot.com/2010/05/ini-cerita-kita.html (diakses pada 09/06/2011)12 Istilah-istilah lain termasuk:

(i) Kebetulan: “tanpa kerelaan (non-volitional)” (Arka dan Manning 1998); “penyelesaian secaratidak sengaja atau tanpa kerelaan (unintentional or nonvolitional completion)” (Mintz 2002);“tindakan bukan sukarela (unvoluntary action)” (Polinsky dan Potsdam 2008); “tindakan tidaksengaja (unvoluntary actions)” (Goddard 2003)

(ii) Keadaan hasil: “statif (stative)” (Sneddon 1996); “keadaan sudah selesai (completed state)”(Mintz 2002); “pasif adjektival” (Soh 1994)

(iii) Kemampuan: “kemampuan/kemungkinan (ability/possibility)” (Arka dan Manning 1998)

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13 Kutipan asli dari Sneddon: Transitive accidental verbs are passive. (hlm. 114); All abilitative constructionsare transitive and passive. (hlm. 116); All stative ter- verbs correspond to basic passive verbs .... (hlm. 113)

14 Kami berasumsi bahwa “pasif” adalah konsep sintaksis. Dengan kata lain, konsep “pasif” sah hanya apabilasuatu kalimat mempunyai padanan aktifnya. “Makna pasif,” yang selalu digunakan dalam penulisan orangawam, mengacu pada makna yang lazimnya disampaikan oleh kalimat pasif yang didefinisikan demikian.

15 Sebenarnya, alternasi transitivitas dalam bahasa Jepang jauh lebih kompleks. Pola yang ditampilkandalam contoh ini hanya salah satu dari banyak pola yang ada. Lihat Jacobsen (1992) untuk rincian.

16 Contoh kalimat ter- transitif yang diberikan Mintz (2002) hanya terdiri dari kalimat ter- yangberfungsi kebetulan. Semua contoh kalimat ter- yang berfungsi keadaan hasil dan kemampuan yangdiberikannya merupakan kalimat intransitif.

17 http://preview.detik.com/detiknews/read/2006/09/22/222610/681237/10/lagi-ditemukan-3-ekor-gajah-di-riau-jadi-bangkai (diakses pada 15/06/2011)

18 http://dunia.web.id/just-for-fun.php?note=3257&title=Kadaluwarsa (diakses pada 15/06/2011)19 http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm (diakses pada 15/06/2011)20 http://forumm.wgaul.com/showthread.php?p=3031104 (diakses pada 15/06/2011)21 http://deterjen.blogspot.com/2010/11/cara-tepat-mencuci-pakaian.html (diakses pada 15/06/2011)22 http://news.okezone.com/read/2011/03/27/337/439281/pembunuh-agnes-seorang-narapidana-

penjudi-pemakai-narkoba (diakses pada 15/06/2011)23 Terdapat penutur yang mengatakan jarang atau tidak pernah mendengar bentuk ternonton. Untuk

penutur yang leksikonnya tidak mengandung bentuk tertonton, kami menggunakan tertonton atauterlihat sebagai gantinya.

24 http://www.koprol.com/places/45879 (diakses pada 07/06/2011)25 http://eforum6.cari.com.my/mobile/?tid-203964-page-3.html (diakses pada 26/07/2011)26 http://radarlampung.co.id/read/metropolis/bandarlampung/26617-omset-rp50-ribu-sehari-bakal-kena-

pajak- (diakses pada 07/06/2011)27 http://www1.kompas.com/suratpembaca/readtanggapan/20488 (diakses pada 26/07/2011)* Makalah ini berdasarkan presentasi kami di 15th International Symposium on Malay/Indonesian

Linguistics (ISMIL), 24−26 Juni 2011, Malang, Jawa Timur. Kami ingin mengucapkan terima kasihkepada para peserta pada konferensi tersebut, terutama Hooi Ling Soh dan Yanti, atas kritikan dankomentar yang diberikan. Kami juga berterima kasih kepada Iwan Setiya Budi, Santi, Rita dan ViviTika Sari, yang telah memberi penilaian/pertimbangan terhadap kalimat-kalimat bahasa Indonesia.Penelitian yang dilaporkan di sini sebagian disponsori oleh JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists(B) (#23720199).

** Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikanmakalah.

RUJUKAN

Abdullah, H. 1974. The Morphology of Malay. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Arka, I. W., dan Manning, C. D. 1998. “Voice and grammatical relations in Indonesian: A newperspective.” Dalam: Butt dan King (eds.).

Alwi, H., Dardjowidjojo, S., Lapoliwa, H., dan Moeliono M. A. 1998. Tata Bahasa BahasaIndonesia, Edisi Ketiga. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.

Bao, Z., dan Wee, L. 1999. “The passives in Singapore English.” World Englishes 18, 1−11.

Beavers, J. 2011. “On affectedness.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29.

Bosse, S., Bruening, B., dan Yamada, M. akan terbit. Affected experiencer. Natural Languageand Linguistic Theory.

Butt, M., dan King, T. H. (eds.). 1998. Proceedings of the LFG98 Conference. Stanford: CSLIPublications.

Cheng, L. L. S., dan Demirdash. H. (eds.). 1991. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 15: MorePapers on Wh-Movement.

Chung, S. F. 2005. “Kena as a third type of the Malay passive.” Oceanic Linguistics 44,194−214.

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Cole, P., dan Hermon, G. 1998. The typology of wh-movement: Wh-questions in Malay. Syntax1, 221–258.

Dowty, D. 1991. “Thematic proto-roles and argument selection.” Language 67, 547−619.

Gil, D. 2002. “The prefixes di- and N- in Malay/Indonesian dialects.” Dalam: Wouk dan Ross(eds.), 241−283.

Goddard, C. 2003. “Dynamic ter- in Malay.” Studies in Language 27, 287–322.

Jackendoff, R. 1990. Semantic Structures. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Jacobsen, W. M. 1992. The Transitive Structure of Events in Japanese. Tokyo: Kuroshio.

Koh, A. S. 1990. Topics in Colloquial Malay. Disertasi untuk University of Melbourne.

Koskinen, P. (ed.). 1994. Proceeding of the 1994 Annual Conference of the Canadian LinguisticAssociation. Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto.

Nik Safiah, K., Farid, M. O., Hashim, M., dan Abdul Hamid, M. 2008. Tatabahasa DewanEdisi Ketiga. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Mintz, M. W. 2002. An Indonesian & Malay Grammar for Students (Second Edition). Perth:Indonesian/Malay Texts and Resources.

Nomoto, H. 2010. “Making sense of the optionality of voice marking in Malay/Indonesian.”Proceedings of Workshop on Indonesian-Type Voice System, 37−44. Tokyo Universityof Foreign Studies.

Nomoto, H. 2011. “Analisis seragam bagi kawalan lucu.” Dalam: Nomoto, Anwar dan Zaharani(eds.).

Nomoto, H., Anwar R., dan Zaharani A. (eds.). 2011. Isamu Shoho: Tinta Kenangan “EseiBahasa dan Linguistik.” Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

Nomoto, H., dan Kartini, A. W. dalam penilaian. Kena passives in Malay, funny control andcovert voice alternation.

Pearson, M. (ed.). 1998. Proceedings of the Third and Fourth Meetings of AustronesianLinguistics Association 1996−1999. Department of Linguistics, University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles.

Polinsky, M., dan Potsdom, E. 2008. The syntax and semantics of wanting in Indonesian.Lingua 118, 1617−1639.

Saddy, D. 1991. “WH scope mechanism in bahasa Indonesia.” Dalam: Cheng dan Demirdash(eds.), 183–218.

Sneddon, J. N. 1996. Indonesian Reference Grammar. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin.

Soh, H. L. 1994. “External arguments and ter- in Malay.” Dalam: Koskinen (ed.), 535−546.

Soh, H. L. 1998. “Certain restrictions on A-bar movement in Malay.” Dalam: Pearson (ed.),295−308.

Soh, H. L. 2010. Voice and aspect: Some notes from Malay. Proceedings of Workshop onIndonesian-Type Voice System, 25−35. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.

Wouk, F., dan Ross, M. (eds.). 2002. The History and Typology of Western Austronesian VoiceSystems. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

Zainal Abidin, A. (Za‘ba). 2000. Pelita Bahasa Melayu Penggal I−III. Edisi Baru. KualaLumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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LAMPIRAN

Lampiran A. Kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam bahasa Indonesia yang dikutipdari situs internet

1. Bu, mandi tiap hari pake antiseptik apa tidak menyebabkan kulit bayi jadi kering? danbayi yang terminum air antiseptik tidak pernah diare? (http://www.ayahbunda.co.id/diskusi/lihat/230/10)

2. Karena dimata saya mereka terminum ANGGUR.(http://achmadmohyimadura.staff.umm.ac.id/2011/01/28/saya-nikmati-hujatan-umat-islam/)

3. be nanya nih bagaimana kalau penderita HIV meminum atau terminumdarah/ASI/spermanya sendiri? (http://spiritia.or.id/tj/bacatj.php?tjno=08050703)

4. Katanya jamu sehat perempuan, putri saya tidak mau. Tapi dipaksa minum, entah benaratau tidak kami tidak tau,” cetus Arfani, seraya menambahkan putrinya juga sempatterminumobat maag cair bercampur tiner.(http://sumeks.co.id/index2.php?option=com_content&do_pdf=1&id=5894)

5. Dengan mug ini para pecinta teh dan kopi tidak perlu takut terminum ampasnya.(http://smallidea.wordpress.com/2010/08/16/cangkir-mug-kreatif-2/)

6. Kucing yang termakan racun tikus mungkin memerlukan rawatan lebih daripadaseminggu untuk benar2 dapat memastikan residue racun telah dikeluarkan semua daridalam badan. (http://honeypetshop.blogspot.com/2010/07/tikus-yang-diracun-kucing-yang-mati.html)

7. Penyebab kematian satu keluarga menurut polisi diduga karena terminum air meneralsalah satu merek yang diduga mengandung zat berbahaya.(http://news.okezone.com/read/2009/12/31/340/289684/diduga-keracunan-tiga-tewas-dan-dua-korban-kritis

8. Hasil otopsi menurut dokter hewan, Wisnu, kuat dugaan gajah mati karena termakanracun. (http://us.detiknews.com/read/2010/11/28/161518/1504261/10/pemprov-riau-minta-polisi-usut-pembunuh-5-ekor-gajah-liar8/4/2011)

9. klu termakan telurnya, bakalan sakit perut...minta ampun deh.(http://www.kaskus.us/showthread.php?p=184513253)

10. Segera hubungi dokter atau bawa anak Anda ke rumah sakit jika termakan obat ini.(http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm)

11. Badan Meteorologi, Klimatologi, dan Geofisika Sulawesi Tengah menyatakan, lima dari11 kabupaten/kota di wilayahnya akan terkena tsunami akibat gempa bumi 8,9 SR diJepang, Jumat (11/3/2011) siang. (http://njuice.com/5-Kabupaten-Sulteng-Bisa-Kena-Tsunami)

12. Tak cuma itu, ban mobilnya pun kempes terkena paku.(http://us.detiknews.com/read/2007/11/20/172856/855136/10/pollycarpus-apes-dompet-hilang-eh-ban-mobil-kena-paku?nd992203605)

13. Pasalnya, dia terkena sabetan pedang di tangan dan punggungnya.(http://news.okezone.com/topic/read/1874/14)

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Lampiran B. Kuesioner

Tolong pilih satu frase yang paling cocok untuk mengisi tempat kosong dalam kalimat dibawah. Kemudian jawab tentang setiap pilihan apakah pilihan itu “betul dan cocok,” “betultetapi kurang cocok,” “bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil” atau “salah.”

1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan _____ racun yang ditebarmasyarakat tadi,” kata Fadli.A termakanB ia termakanC termakan olehnya

2. Setelah diselidiki penyebab kematian dengan seksama, rupanya penyebabnya adalah“_____”A si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsaB telah terminum oleh si pemuda susu kadaluwarsaC susu kadaluwarsa telah terminum oleh si pemuda

3. Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus _____ harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kata James S. Reily,M.D., kepala bedah di Alfred I. duPont Hospital for Children, di Wilmington, Delaware.A anak tertelan koinB tertelan oleh anak koinC koin tertelan oleh anak

4. Kemarin _____ salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr.A gw sempat ternontonB sempat gw ternontonC sempat ternonton oleh gw

5. Boleh jadi sehabis memakai sepatu kesempitan, _____, atau_____.A kaki terantuk batu, siku tertumbuk pintuB kaki terantuk pada batu, siku tertumbuk pada pintuC batu terantuk oleh kaki, pintu tertumbuk oleh siku

6. Pada tanggal 1 Juli 2006, _____. Luka pada paha kanan dan luka tersebut menggelembung.A saya tersiram air panasB saya tersiram oleh air panasC tersiram oleh saya air panasD air panas tersiram oleh saya

7. Jika saat makan, (1)_____ atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari nodatersebut karena biasanya noda yang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan.(1)A baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyitB baju kesayangan anda terciprat oleh kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyitC kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat baju kesayangan andaD kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat ke baju kesayangan anda(2)A baju kesayangan anda itu terkena air tehB terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu air tehC air teh terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu

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[Kuesioner tambahan]

1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan racun yang ditebarmasyarakat tadi termakan olehnya, kata Fadli.a. betul dan cocokb. betul tapi kurang cocokc. bisa difahami tapi ganjild. salah

2. Kemarin, salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr sempat ternonton oleh gwternonton/tertonton/terlihata. betul dan cocokb. betul tapi kurang cocokc. bisa difahami tapi ganjild. salah

3. Jika saat makan, (1a) kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat oleh bajukesayangan anda

(1b) terciprat oleh baju kesayangan anda kuah soto berbahan dasarkunyit

atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut karena biasanya nodayang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan.(1a) (1b)a. betul dan cocok a. betul dan cocokb. betul tapi kurang cocok b. betul tapi kurang cocokc. bisa difahami tapi ganjil c. bisa difahami tapi ganjild. salah d. salah

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 133 - 150 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

INTRASENTENTIAL CODE-SWITCHING BY THE MANADOMALAY MULTILINGUALS IN AUSTRALIA

Nixon J. PangalilaUniversitas Negeri Makassar

[email protected]

Abstract

While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from withinthe framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malayfrom a sociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switchingwhich occurs frequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom arebilingual and multilingual. This study differs from earlier studies which used nativemonolingual Manadonese users as the informants by focusing on the much larger groupof native Manadonese who can speak two or more languages. This study of code-switchin, therefore, collected data from the native speakers of Manado Malay, who aremultilingual, in two or more of the following languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian,Jakarta Malay, and English. A study of code-switching normally includes variousfactors, types and patterns of code-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling allthese issues in a single investigation, the present study focuses only on types of code-switching, particularly on intrasentential code-switching.

Key words: multilingual, code-switching, Manado Malay

Kajian Melayu Manado yang pernah dilakukan sebelumnya menyelidiki bahasa darikerangka linguistik murni, sedangkan artikel ini menyelidiki penggunaan MelayuManado dari kerangka sosiolinguistik. Secara khusus, kajian ini difokuskan pada alih-kode yang seringkali muncul di antara orang Manado, sebagai penutur MelayuManado yang sangat banyak yang bilingual dan multilingual. Studi kajian ini berbedadengan kajian-kajian sebelumnya yang menggunakan penutur Melayu Manado asliyang monolingual sebagai informan dengan memfokuskan kelompok orang Manadoasli yang lebih besar yang dapat berbicara dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa.Oleh karena itu, kajian alih-kode ini mengumpulkan data dari penutur asli MelayuManado yang multilingual dalam dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa: MelayuManado, Indonesia, Melayu Jakarta dan Inggris. Sebuah kajian alih-kode biasanyamencakup berbagai faktor, tipe dan pola alih-kode. Karena sulitnya menangani semuaisu ini dalam satu peneletian, studi kajian yang sekarang ini hanya difokuskan padatipe alih-kode, khususnya alih-kode intrakalimat.

Kata kunci: multilingual, alih-kode, Melayu Manado

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

Manado Malay is one of the dialects spoken by the inhabitants of North Sulawesi. Its use isparticularly common in Manado as the capital city of North Sulawesi Province. Many people inthe province use Manado Malay as the main language of communication in their daily activities.This has resulted in a number of studies of the language. Generally, most of those linguisticresearchers come from Manado itself. They include Karisoh (1981), Salea-Warouw (1981,1985), Lalamentik and Salea-Warouw (1985), Manoppo-Watupongoh (1976, 1983), andWantalangi (1993). More recently research was carried out by a non native Manado speaker,Jack Prentice (1994). These earlier studies of Manado focused on the linguistic structures usedin spoken language among its native speakers, who live in Manado. Moreover, the datacollected by these linguists focused only on the monolingual speakers of Manado Malay.

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While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from withinthe framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malay from asociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switching which occursfrequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom are bilingual ormultilingual. In bilingual and multilingual conversations, the researcher had observed that thespeakers of Manado Malay often alternated single words and clauses from Manado Malay into asecond language. This article is an exploratory piece of research which focuses onsociolinguistic perspective.

This study differs from earlier studies which used native monolingual Manadoneseusers as the informants by focusing on the much larger group of native Manadonese who canspeak two or more languages. This study of code-switching therefore collected data from thenative speakers of Manado Malay, who are multilingual, in two or more of the followinglanguages: Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The research was conductedthrough informal participation within the group in which two or more languages are used in anycommunicative activity. In other words, when getting involved in a conversation they tend toswitch from one language to another or to other languages. For instance, they tend to switchfrom Manado Malay to English or to other languages such as Indonesian and Jakarta Malay.

The ability to switch with apparent and unpremeditated ease from Manado Malay toEnglish, Indonesian, or Jakarta Malay was the basis for considering a Manadonese speaker asmultilingual for the purpose of this study. It was also recognized that multilingual speakers varyconsiderably in their abilities to use a second or subsequent languages. These skill levels areoften associated for example with the language environment within which the speaker lives,their ability to learn languages, the opportunities to use the languages and the speaker’seducational background. In an attempt to control for some of these variables the data for thisstudy was confined to bilingual and multilingual speakers of Manado Malay who have lived inAustralia for a substantial period of time.

Needs and Scope of the Study

While there have been a number of studies on code-switching from the perspective of a numberof different disciplines, these have mostly focused on studies of English with code-switchingfrom or to Asian languages for example Punjabi (see Moffat & Milroy 1992) and Japanese (seeNishimura 1986); languages of Africa such as Swahili (see Myers-Scotton 1990); languages ofEurope such as German (see Salmons 1990), Finnish (see Poplack, et al 1989) and French(Grosjean & Soares 1986); languages of Australia (see McConvell 1985); and languages ofAmerica such as Mexican Spanish (see Jacobson 1990).

There have been a number of studies of code-switching in a conversation betweenspeakers of Southeast Asian languages such as Malay and Indonesian. However, the presentstudy was unable to locate any study of code-switching which included Manado. This studyaims to fill in some of that gap in the literature as well as contributing in a more general to theprevious studies on code-switching which have mainly involved Indo-European languages.

A study of code-switching may involve a number of aspects including grammatical,socio and psychological aspects. It also normally includes various factors, types and patterns ofcode-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling all these issues in a single investigation,the present study focuses only on types of code-switching, particularly on intrasentential code-switching.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

Sociohistorical Background of Manado Malay

Manado Malay is spoken in the northern part of Sulawesi (formerly known as Celebes),Indonesia, by approximately two million people (Prentice, 1994:41). While the users of thislanguage tend to be concentrated in the city of Manado which is an increasingly populated area,the use of the language has been spreading out all over the province. The province is home tomany different ethnic groups including the Minahasan, Sangerese, Bolaang Mongondow, andGorontalese ethnic groups (which have had a new province, Gorontalo province) with its ownvernacular language. The city of Manado itself is populated mostly by Minahasans. Therefore,since the colonial era, the people of Manado were thought of simply as Minahasans. Thisthought is based on what Kaunang (1993:5) has described namely that the population ofManado is Manadonese people who came from the Minahasan hinterland and the surroundingislands and then moved to Manado.

Today the number of users of Manado Malay is dramatically increasing. The increasingnumber of Manado Malay users is paralleled by the decreasing number of users of the regionalor vernacular languages, such as the Minahasan languages. Prentice (1994:411) explains, “manymillions more speak Manado Malay (also sometimes termed ‘Minahasan Malay’) as a secondlanguage, since it is an important lingua franca throughout the province and in many other areasof Sulawesi”. Therefore, most of the population of Manado is bilingual, because they can speaktheir vernacular languages and Manado Malay. Even though there are many vernacularlanguages or local languages in the surrounding area, Manado Malay seems to be the one withthe most users. In everyday life there is a tendency for the people of the province to begin givingup their own vernacular languages (Minahasan languages) and using Manado Malay. It is notclear how long the Minahasan languages can maintain themselves as viable linguistic entitiesunder the increasing pressure of Manado Malay (Prentice, 1994). In fact, the young generation,even in remote areas of the province, prefers to speak Manado Malay to their own vernacularlanguage or Indonesian as the official or national language.

Manado Malay is closely related to Indonesian. Based on the history of its spread,Indonesian derives from Malay, which was used by the Indonesian people as a ‘lingua franca’.The rapid rise of Malay to a lingua franca all over the Indonesian archipelago was assistedpossibly by the powerful Sumatran Hindu-Buddhist Kingdom of Sriwijaya, who used thislanguage to spread his influence all over the country in the 7th century (Alisjahbana 1962:24).

The Malay was used as ‘lingua franca’ throughout all the Indonesian archipelagoes asthe only means of communication among the various ethnic groups or tribes. People at thisperiod had their own local languages or vernacular languages. Each local language had its ownparticular grammatical and semantic categories, which were totally different from one anotherand therefore when communicating witch each other they often choose to use Malay as thelanguage of communication. The choice of Malay to communicate with each other was based onan attempt to choose language which was understandable to all. The use of this Malay in thecommunities disappeared during the pre-independence of Indonesia. Long after Indonesiabecame independent in 1945, the Malay was not used anymore as the means of communicationbecause it has been replaced by Indonesian as the official and national language. However, theinfluence of the early use of Malay can still be seen today, in that Malay languages are still usedas an important means of communication and social interaction.

The use of this lingua franca, which was termed ‘Bahasa Melayu Pasar’ (Bazaar Malay)or Low Malay, also reached North Sulawesi because of business expansion by traders as well asthe territorial expansion of the kingdom. In this area this lingua franca was creolized. Due to theunavailability of written records of the spreading of Malay, especially in northern Sulawesi, it isdifficult to definitively prove that Manado Malay resulted from the need for communication inbusiness situations among local people and traders such as those of the Sriwijaya kingdom.However, the presence of Malay dialects, such as Ambon Malay, Kupang Malay, and Manado

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Malay, which survive until now, may be an indication that the lingua franca had spread all overIndonesia (Keraf, 1991:9).

Code-switching in the Bilingual Conversation

People who can use more than one language are called bilingual. They may often use twolanguages in a conversation. More especially, when a person can speak more than one language,he/she sometimes uses two different languages at the same time. In the sense of using twodifferent languages at the same time a bilingual person can be said that he or she switches fromone language to another language. In other words, the process of using two different system oflanguage by a bilingual speaker is called ‘code-switching’ (Titone, 1989; Dulay & Krashen,1982; Romaine, 1989). These language researchers claim that ‘code-switching’ is the alternateuse of two languages in bilingual speech or conversation.

The alternate use of two languages or code-switching in the bilingual conversation isone of the communicative strategies used by bilinguals. By this strategy bilinguals may be ableto alternate two languages within the same act of speech. However, Grosjean and Soares(1986:156) acknowledge that bilingual speech varies. This means that a bilingual person mightspeak in one particular language when he or she is talking to or with a monolingual who canonly speak that particular language. A ‘monolingual’ person is a person who can only speak onelanguage. In the Indonesian context, an example of a bilingual person speaking to or with amonolingual is when a speaker of Manado Malay and Indonesian may speak in Manado Malaywhen they are talking to or with monolinguals of Manado Malay, and use Indonesian when theyconverse with monolinguals of Indonesian.

This article examines code-switching within the context of setting, topic, andinterlocutor, among the native speakers of Manado Malay, who have been living in Melbourne.More specifically, the researcher will look at the code-switchings between Indonesian andEnglish among the multilingual speakers of Manado Malay.

Furthermore, there is another context that is also of interest in this study. The context Imean here deals with the use of code-switching in Jakarta Malay that is one of the dialects inIndonesia mostly used by people who live and who have lived in Jakarta, the Capital ofIndonesia. Users of this dialect are categorized as having the symbol of modernity and thesymbol of high society. For Indonesian people the life of Jakarta including its language is asymbol of all that is desired (Poedjosoedarmo, 1982). It is hypothesized that code-switching intothis dialect will also be found in the conversations among the native speakers of Manado Malayin Melbourne. When becoming involved in conversations, it is likely that some of them willcodeswitch from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay, or from Indonesian into Jakarta Malay, oreven from English into Jakarta Malay in order to demonstrate their modernity. When thesituations of the conversations by the sample speakers are taken into account, the code-switchings occurring among them are expected to follow similar behavior of other multilingualspeakers. Moreover, based on the perspective of bilingual behavior it is believed that code-switching can be defined as using several languages or language varieties in the course of aconversation which is based on conversation-internal mechanisms observable in various socialcontexts (Franceschini in Auer, 1998; ESF, 1990a-c, 1991; Milroy & Muyskens, 1995;Grosjean, 1982).

Based on the theoretical frameworks of code-switching from the various linguists it isfound that code-switching cannot only be studied in the constraint of bilingual behavior, but itcan also be studied in the constraint of multilingual behavior. The phenomenon of code-switching studied in multilingualism is based on language situations in a community that canalready speak more languages (not only two languages). This assumption is based on people inthe community who are diglossic. Ferguson (1959:336), as cited in Wardhaugh (1998:87),pointed out that diglossia is a relatively stable language situation which, in addition to theprimary dialects of the language, may include a standard or regional standards.

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One example that was given by him is that he identifies four language situations whichshow the major characteristics of the diglossic phenomenon: Arabic, Swiss German, Haitian(French and Creole), and Greek. He explains that, in each situation there is a ‘high’ variety (H)of language and a ‘low’ variety (L). Each variety has its own specialized functions, each isviewed differently by those who are aware of both.

Most researchers still see the study of code-switching as belonging to sociolinguistics,even though they discuss it by looking at their data of the informants or respondents andanalyzing data using traditional linguistic methodologies. In other words, code-switching hasbeen studied using various linguistic approaches within the frameworks of sociolinguistics,psycholinguistics and grammatical studies (see Franceschini in Auer, 1985:51).

In this article I conducted preliminary research on Manado Malay multilinguals inMelbourne. The data obtained from them will be analyzed in terms of the types of code-switching, particularly intrasentential code-switchings, which are produced by the multilingualspeakers of Manado Malay, Jakarta Malay, Indonesian, and English in a church community inMelbourne, Australia.

METHODOLOGY

As the focus of this study was the context of code-switching it was necessary to collect languagedata in as natural a context as possible.

It was therefore decided to collect the data using participant observation. The data wascollected from the conversations of Manado Malay multilinguals, who can speak ManadoMalay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The use of participant observation methodologyin my research is based on the following reasons:

1. The methodology of participant observation is appropriate for studies of almostevery aspect of human existence (Jorgensen, 1989:12).

2. Through participant observation, it is possible to describe what goes on, who orwhat is involved, when and where things happen, how they occur, and why – atleast from the standpoint of participants – things happen as they do in particularsituations (Jorgensen, 1989:12).

3. If the focus of interest is how the activities and interactions of a setting givemeaning to certain behaviors or beliefs, participant observation is the method ofchoice (Bogdewic in Crabtree & Miller, 1992:46-47).

The use of participant observation allowed the researcher to document code-switchingsoccurring in multilingual conversations in relation to their setting, topic, and interlocutor. Bylooking at these contexts, it is hoped that the patterns of code-switching by these multilingualspeakers in the multilingual conversations can be identified.

Method

Participant observation which was used to collect qualitative data from the native speakers ofManado Malay was supplemented by the use of tape-recorded natural conversations. By usingtape-recorded natural conversation in combination with participant observation it is hoped thatthe context of code-switching by the Manado Malay multilingual in the multilingualconversation can be obtained naturally. The researcher participated in the conversation whereappropriate. After observing and recording the natural conversations of the informants and/orbeing a participant observer in the conversations the researcher made notes which described thesituation during the conversation and who was involved.

To supplement the participant observation a semi-structured interview or the generalinterview guide approach was used. Patton (1990:280) points out that the general interviewguide approach involves outlining a set of issues that are to be explored with each respondentbefore interviewing begins. He also asserts that the interview guide presumes that there is

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common information that should be obtained from each person interviewed, that but no set ofstandardized questions are written in advance.

By using the interview guide approach the interviewer hoped that the other relevantinformation dealing with the informants’ personal details can be obtained. The informationabout the informants’ personal details is also very important in this research because it will helpthe interviewer to get relevant information such as personal identification, social identity,educational background, and languages known and spoken. This kind of information shouldhelp the researcher identify the reasons and patterns of code-switching by the Manado Malaymultilinguals.

Sample

The sample used in this research was chosen from native speakers of Manado Malay who aremembers of a church community in Melbourne, Australia. They were chosen because they canspeak more than two languages from the following list of languages: Manado Malay,Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. In other words, they are multilingual. Secondly, theyhave all lived in Melbourne for some time and retain a cultural group identity.

The sample chosen for this study was ten native speakers of Manado Malay who belong toCamberwell Uniting Church congregation. These ten native speakers of Manado Malay rangefrom the age of 30 to 55 years. Of these ten native speakers, there are two females and eightmales. Most of these informants had gone to universities in Indonesia and Australia. Some ofthem are postgraduate students, who are studying at La Trobe University Melbourne, Australia.Those, who are not studying at La Trobe University, have been living in Melbourne for a longtime for job purposes and therefore they can speak English very well. In addition, they can alsospeak Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and of course Manado Malay as their first language. They alsospeak Indonesian because it has been the formal language which is nationally spoken inIndonesia and the language of their education. They can also speak Jakarta Malay as the maindialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia because they had lived there for several yearsago before coming to Australia.

DISCUSSION AND RESULTS

As discussed in the literature review, code-switching is categorized into two main types in theliterature code-switching: within and outside the boundary of clauses. However, in this articleonly the first type of code-switching will be discussed. The type of code-switching which hasbeen found to occur by previous researchers within the boundary of a clause is labeledintrasentential code-switching.

Intrasentential Code-switching

According to Appel and Muyskens (1987:118), intrasentential code-switching is defined asswitches from language A to language B within a sentence. While Romaine (1995:123) andPoplack (1983:63) assert that intrasentential code-switching is produced by only the most fluentbilinguals. It was therefore hypothesized that, if Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63)were correct, intrasentential code-switching would be found among the multilingual ManadoMalay sample studied in Melbourne. In this section intrasentential code-switching betweenEnglish, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay will be discussed. These switchings occurred in theconversations, when the Manado Malay speakers were communicating with each other asfollows.

Intrasentential Code-switching in English

This type of code-switching occurred in the conversations in which the fluent Manado Malaymultilinguals were involved. The data showed clearly that the ability to use intrasentential code-switching was directly related to the level of English fluency. Those who were fluent to native

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like standards of English frequently used intrasentential code-switching while those who wereless fluent used it less frequently. The frequency of intrasentential code-switchings in Englishwhich occurred in the conversations of the Manado Malay speakers can be seen in the followingchart:

Figure 1. The Occurrence of English Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

From the chart above we can see that there are five different frequencies which describe thepercentage of the frequency of intrasentential code-switching occurring in five conversations.Number one (24%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (1). Number two (13%)represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (2). Number three (19%) represents the IaSCSoccurring in conversation (3). Number four (19%) represents the IaSCS occurring inconversation (4) and number five (25%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (5). Ofthese five conversations the intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5) outnumbered theIaSCS in conversation (1). The IaSCS in conversation (1) outnumbered the IaSCS inconversations (2) to (4). The IaSCS in conversation (3) and (4) outnumbered the IaSCS inconversation (1). This pattern explains that IaSCS in conversation 5 occurred more frequentlythan IaSCS in conversations (1) to (4). The intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5)occurred the most frequen, because most of the informants involved in the speech act in thatconversation are fluent bilinguals or multilinguals. This data therefore confirmed the findings ofRomaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63). Moreover, the topic which was discussed in theconversations related to working experience in Australia as shown in example (2). Romaine(1989:115) argued that it has long been recognized that a variety of social factors constraincode-switching, such as setting, topic, and degree of competence in both languages. Example (2)describes one of the varieties of social factors which relates to setting and topic, while example(1) gives an indicator of the speaker’s momentary attitudes, communicative intents, andemotions (Grosjean, 1982:152). The intrasentential code-switchings in English taken from therecordings of conversations can be seen in the following examples:

(1) Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas. Kalu ngana Islam, you don’t care.‘The dangerous one is GOLKAR that is the minority party. If you are moslem,you don’t care.’

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(2) Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin youcannot sit anymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu.

‘Kita semua di sini bekerja. Saya tidak pernah duduk. Kalau sudah berada dimesin you cannot sit anymore. Selama beberapa jam berdiri terus dan tidak adayang namanya duduk-duduk’

‘All of us here are working. I never sit. If you are in the machine area, you cannotsit anymore. I have to stand for hours and I am not allowed to have a sit.’

Intrasentential Code-switching in Indonesian

Of the five major conversations I choose to analyse as my main data, code-switchings betweenManado Malay and Indonesian were found to be the most frequent type of code-switchingwhich occurred in the multilingual conversations of the sample of native speakers of ManadoMalay. Intrasentential code-switching occurred frequently from Manado Malay into Indonesian.These code-switchings into Indonesian were the most frequently occurring intrasentential code-switching found in the data. This is not surprising as Indonesian is their national language and isalways used in a formal conversational situation. The frequent occurrence of Indonesianswitchings in Manado Malay conversations is likely to be due to the nature of the relationshipbetween these two languages. Indonesian and Manado Malay can be understood to exist in adiglossic situations, Ferguson (1972:232), as varieties of the same language in use in a speechcommunity each accorded different functions. The two varieties are sometimes referred to ashigh and low varieties of the same language. This diglossic situation also means that the twovarieties influence each other. Karisoh-Najoan (1981:4) explains that in the growth anddevelopment of both Manado Malay and Indonesian each language has had a considerableinfluence on the other. Manado Malay speakers always use Indonesian when the conversationalsituation is formal, whereas Manado Malay is used when the conversational situation isinformal. The chart on the next page shows the total and frequency of occurrence of Indonesianintrasentential code-switchings in percentages.

Figure 2. The Occurrence of Indonesian Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

1 30 %

2 17 %

3 17 %

4 15 %

5 21 %

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The Figure 4.2 shows the percentage of the occurrence of IaSCS in Indonesian in eachconversation. (The numbers refer to conversations (1)–(5). In other words, IaSCS occurring inconversation (1) (30%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (5) (21%). IaSCS occurring inconversation (5) (21%) exceeded IaSCS of conversations (2) and (3) (17%). IaSCS occurring inconversations (2) and (3) (17%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (4) (15%). The Indonesianintrasentential code-switching of conversation (1) occurred more frequently than theintrasentential code-switching of conversations (2)–(5), because the topic which was beingdiscussed related to political circumstances in Indonesia. In other words, the topic being formaland this motivates the speakers and the interlocutors to switch from the informal language to theformal language. This is reinforced by the status of the interlocutors. The social identity of theinterlocutors involved in speech activities motivated the switch from Manado Malay toIndonesian as they are Indonesian government officials who are required to use Indonesian as aformal language in formal situations as shown in the following examples:

(3) Mr. C: Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bacirita deng orang Manadoso pas skali ini.‘Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bercerita dengan orang Manado sudahtepat sekali itu.’‘It will be a good moment, if he comes on Sunday to have a chat withManadonese.’

(4) Dorang so nyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu.‘Mereka tidak lagi seperti yang dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu.’‘They were not as formerly have firstly to go through Jakarta.’

(5) Dorang mo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supayadia punya hak.‘Mereka mau cari orang itu kemudian dia mau jadikan sebagai panglimasupaya dia punya hak.’‘They want to find the person, then they will make him as a militarycommander so that he will have the right.’

Intrasentential Code-switching in Jakarta Malay

In the data gathered from the Mando Malay speakers code-switching into Jakarta Malay, adialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia, also occurred in the recorded conversations.All the informants had lived in Jakarta for several years before coming to Australia and wereable to speak Jakarta Malay which, according to Poedjosoedarmo (1982:8), originally derivedfrom Indonesian as the Standard Malay. This dialect has been greatly influenced by Javaneseand used by people, who live in Jakarta, as the symbol of modernity and symbol of high society.Thus, the reason and the motivation for switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is todemonstrate their social identity and status. The other likely motivation is to render the speechact more comprehensible when other Indonesians who cannot speak and understand ManadoMalay join the conversations. In these situations Manado Malay speakers will switch fromManado Malay to Jakarta Malay syntactically.

The chart in Figure 4.3 illustrates the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching inconversations (1) to (5) in percentages.

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Figure 3. The Occurrence of Jakarta Malay Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

1 14 %

2 21 %

3 14 %

4 21 %

5 30 %

The chart in Figure 4.3 shows the frequency of Jakarta Malay intrasentential code-switching occurring in conversation 1 (14%), conversation 2 (21%), conversation 3 (14%),conversation 4 (21%), and conversation 5 (30%). Intrasentential code-switching occurred mostfrequently in conversation 5. The lower occurrence shown in conversations (1) to (4) can beexplained by the presence of nonnative speakers of Manado Malay joining the conversationsresulting in a likelihood that Manado Malay speakers switch from Manado Malay to JakartaMalay. The other motivation to switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is to indicate one’shigh status to the other interlocutors, the use of Jakarta Malay indicating that the speaker hadlived in Jakarta for several years. Furthermore, by switching from Manado Malay to JakartaMalay the speakers wanted to share that experience with the interlocutors who have also lived inJakarta for several years. Anoter reason why Manado Malay speakers switched from ManadoMalay to Jakarta Malay is that the sample came from a small communal group withinMelbourne so they know that the interlocutors can also speak Jakarta Malay, because they havealso lived in Jakarta.

The intrasentential code-switching of conversation (2) and (4) has the same number ofpercentage: 21 %. As I have explained above, the occurrence of IaSCS of conversation (2) and(4) is exceeded by conversation (5) with 30%. The same thing also happened to conversation (1)and (3) being outnumbered by conversation (5). However, the reason and motivation of code-switching by Manado Malay speakers in conversations(2) dan (4) , (1) dan (3) are not the sameas the reason and motivation in conversation (5) as I have pointed out previously. The reasonand motivation of switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay in conversation (2) and (4)and (3) and (1) are to exhibit their high social standing. This reinforces the argument ofPoedjosoedarmo (1982:8) who wrote that Jakarta Malay is used by people who live in Jakarta asthe symbol of modernity and the symbol of high society. Furthermore, the occurrence of JakartaMalay intrasentential code-switching in conversations (2) and (4), (1) and (3) is to express self-identity in order to indicate social solidarity or certain languages (Hoffmann, 1991:116). Theexamples of the occurrence of Jakarta Malay IaSCS in speech activities can be seen in thefollowing data:

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(6) Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini.‘Kalau masih hujan, saya tidak jadi datang ke sini.’‘If it is still raining, then I will not come here.’

(7) Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jo kita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya.‘Kalau dia kira-kira masih bersama dengan kita, maka kita tidak bisamengikuti tingkatnya.’‘When he is among us, we cannot follow his level.’

(8) Kalu ambe doi gua enggak brani.‘Kalau ambil uang, saya tidak berani.’‘To take the money, I am not brave to do that.’

Summary of the Occurrence of Intrasentential Code-switching in English, Indonesian, andJakarta Malay

To have a better understanding of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in threecategories: in English, in Indonesian, and in Jakarta Malay, a table showing the total number ofintrasentential code-switching in three categories in the corpus is given. This table is given inorder to have a comparison of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching between thethree languages mentioned previously. By giving the comparison of these three categories, themost frequent occurrence of IaSCS in any particular category can be figured out. The totalnumber of IaSCS in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay is illustrated in a following table:

Table 1.The Total Number of Intrasentential Code-switching in Three Categories in the Corpus

IaSCS in three Categories Total Number of IaSCS in three CategoriesIaSCS in English

IaSCS in IndonesianIaSCS in Jakarta Malay

165214

Total 82

Based on the table given on page 11, the most frequent intrasentential code-switchingoccurred into Indonesian, namely fifty two times; whereas, intrasentential code-switching inEnglish occurred only 16 times and for intrasentential code-switching in Jakarta Malay 14times. By having the total number of items of intrasentential code-switching in three categories,the frequency of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching of each category can beobtained. To have a better understanding of the frequency of the occurrence of intrasententialcode-switching in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay, a chart in Figure 4.4 showing theoccurrence of intrasentential code-switching by percentage is given.

Figure 4. Total Percentage of Intrasentential Code-switching in three Categories

IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17 %

IaSCS in English 20 %

IaSCS in Bahasa Indonesia63 %

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The chart given above shows the total percentage of intrasentential code-switching inthree categories in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay. Based on the chart, theintrasentential code-switching in Indonesian has the largest number of percentage by obtaining63%, while IaSCS in English 20% and IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17%. The tendency to switchingfrom Manado Malay to Indonesian by the participants is approximately three times more likelythan the tendency to switch from Manado Malay to English and to Jakarta Malay. Themultilingual participants were more likely to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at thelevel of intrasentential code-switching, because Manado Malay and Indonesian have a specificrelationship in terms of using them in informal and formal situation within a diglossiccommunity. Moreover, the participants, who were Manadonese, switched from Manado Malayinto Indonesian rather than into English and Jakarta Malay because the topic and the setting ofthe conversation related to national matters in Indonesia, such as politics. See 4.1.1, 4.1.2, and4.1.3.

To conclude, the formality of the topic and the formality of speech setting motivate theparticipants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at the level of intrasentential code-switching.

CONCLUSION

The study in this article found that code-switching occurred most frequently between languagesin a diglossic situation, where the informants tended to switch from Manado Malay intoIndonesian. Based on the findings of the research, code-switchings from Manado Malay intoIndonesian was the most frequently code-switching occurring in the conversations, than code-switchings from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay and English are. The specific relationshipbetween the two varieties of languages (Manado Malay and Indonesian) and the formality of thetopic are the two key factors which motivate code-switching.

Furthermore, based on the findings, the social identity and interlocutor are the maintriggers which result in speakers switching from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay. The topicand the setting are the main motivating factors which result in the informants switching fromManado Malay into English. The interesting thing found in this study is the motivation of theinformants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian and Jakarta Malay and from ManadoMalay into English. The findings of the research indicated that the informants did not useEnglish as a mark of social status, but continued to use Jakarta Malay as an indicator of highsocial status despite the fact that many of the participants had lived in Australia for a number ofyears and had come to Australia to obtain a degree in English from a university in Australia. Incontrast, Indonesian and Jakarta Malay were used by the informants to indicate social identityand cultural superiority.

Finally, in general the patterns of code-switching found intrasentential code-switchingfollowed similar patterns to that identified for bilingual speakers in previous research. Clearly, itis important to study multilinguals further as the patterns of code-switching become morecomplex and tell us more about behavior in diglossic situations as well as raising issues oflanguage dominance and power in relation to English as a language of education in Asiancountries.

NOTE

* I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.

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REFERENCES

Appel, R. and Muysken, P. 1987. Language Contact and Bilingualism. London: EdwardArnold.

Bogdewic, S. P. 1992. Participant Observation (Chapter 3), in B.F. Crabtree and W.L. Miller(eds), Doing Qualitative Research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Dulay, H., Burt, M., and Krashen, S. 1982. Language Two. New York: Oxford University Press.

Franceschini, R. 1998. Code-Switching and the Notion of Code in Linguistics: Proposals for adual Focus Model, in P. Auer (ed.), Code-Switching in Conversation: Language,Interaction and Identity. New York Routledge, 51–72.

Grosjean, F. and Soares, C. 1986. Processing Mixed Language: Some Preliminary Findings, inJ. Vaid (ed.), Language Processing in Bilinguals: Psycholinguistic and Neuro-psychological Perspective. London: LEA, 145–179.

Grosjean, F. 1982. Life With Two Languages. An Introduction to Bilingualism. Cambridge,Mass./London: Harvard University Press.

Jorgensen, D. L. 1989. Participant Observation: A Methodology for Human Studies. (AppliedSocial Research Methods Series Volume 15). Newsbury, CA: Sage.

Karisoh-Najoan, J. A. 1981. Morfologi dan Sintaksis Bahasa Melayu Manado. Jakarta: PusatPembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa.

Lalamentik, W.H.C.M and Salea-Warouw, M. 1985. Partikel Bahasa Melayu Manado.(Unpublished Research Paper) Manado: Universitas Sam Ratulangi.

Manoppo-Watupongoh, G.Y.J. 1976. Reduplikasi Dalam Bahasa Melayu Manado. Bahasa danSastra 2: 12–23.

Manoppo-watupongoh, G.Y.J. 1983. Bahasa Melayu Surat Kabar di Minahasa Pada Abad ke-19 (Dissertation) Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia.

Moffat, S and Milroy, L. 1992. Punjabi/English Language Alternation in the School Years.Journal of Crosscultural and Interlanguage Communication 11/4, 355–385.

Myers-Scotton, C. 1990. Code-switching and Borrowing: Interpersonal and MacrolevelMeaning, in R. Jacobson (ed.), Code-switching as a Worldwide Phenomenon. NewYork: Peter Lang, 85–110.

Nishimura, M. 1986. Intrasentential Code-switching: The Case of Language Assignment, in JVaid (ed.), Language Processing in Bilinguals: Psycholinguistic and Neuro-psychological Perspectives. London: LEA, 123–143.

Poedjosoedarmo, S. 1982. Javanese Influence on Indonesian. Pacific Linguistics series D No 38Canberra: ANU.

Poplack, S., Wheeler, S. and Westwood, A. 1989. Distinguishing Language ContactPhenomena: Evidence from Finnish-English Bilingualism, in K. Hyltenstam and L K.Obler (eds.), Bilingualism Across the Lifespan: Aspect of Acquisition, Maturity andLoss. Cambridge University Press, 132–154.

Prentice, J. 1994. Manado Malay: Product and Agent of Language Change. AustronesianLanguages, ed. by J.D. Moulton, 411–441.

Romaine, S. 1995. Bilingualism (Second Edition) Oxford: Basil Blackwell inc.

Salmons, J. 1990. Bilingual Discourse Marking Code-switching, Borrowing and Convergence inSome German-American Dialects. Linguistics 28, 453–480.

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Titone, R. 1989. From Bilingual to Multilingual Speech: Code-Switching Revisited, in R.Titone (ed.), On the Bilingual Person. Ottawa: Canadian Society for Italian Studies,135–140.

Wantalangi, M. 1993. The Manadonese Grammar (MA Thesis). Melbourne: La TrobeUniversity.

Wardhaugh, R. 1998. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (third edition). Oxford: BlackwellPublishers Ltd.

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Appendix: Extracts from Conversation by the Informants

Transcription of the recorded conversation 1 between Mr. P and Mr. R:

Mr. P : Kelihatannya di tubuh ABRI mulai terpecah-pecah.

Mr. R : Karena mau dihancurkan. Mau dihancurkan. Sebab dia yang membuat. Media yangmembuat. Itu kalu ngana mau lihat politik itu. Itu dilihat dari sebelum kemerdekaan.Nanti dia pecah. Dulu kan mereka, siapa nanti orang mereka dorang mo cari. Dorangmo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya dia punya hak,begitu. Sama juga dulu.

Mr. P : Karena mungkin kuncinya di ABRI.

Mr. R : Iya. Jadi dia (ABRI) mau dihancurkan dulu. Satu karena dia benteng Pancasila.Dwifungsi dianggap. Dwifungsi karena juga ada Dwifungsi ABRI kan juga warganegara. Ngana juga punya Dwifungsi tahu enggak. Dalam keadaan darurat, ngana somusti jadi tentara. Ya, saya juga dari ABRI meskipun sudah pension. Makanya kitajuga pelajari. Pelajari dulu tu pengorbanana dulu. Dari dulu ABRI mau dikuasai.Yang kiri dulu mau tidak berniat mau dikuasai. Tetapi mengatakan milik nasionalyang tak dapat digoyahkan adalah Pancasila, karena sudah dari tahun 1948.

Mr. P : Jadi, Sudirman.

Mr. R : Sudirman. Kalau ABRI hancur. ABRI hancur, jadi akan begitu terus. ABRI akandibikin begini (dihancurkan) dulu sebetulnya kong ambe dia pe orang, sehingga diabisa pegang kekuasaan. Itu yang utama. Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas.Kalu ngana Islam you don’t care. Jadi, yang dipimpin itu yang mau dilengkapi. Diandak bisa, dia ndak mau turun.

Mr. P : Yang paling fanatik itu yang berbahaya.

Mr. R : Karena itu kan di dalam Undang-Undang Dasar ada klausul yang boleh dirubah, tapikemudian dikepreskan di MPR. Sesuai keputusan rakyat itu tidak boleh, harus melaluikonsensus. Itu kalau melalui DPR. Kebetulan juga dia gugur. Coba lihat sudah pernahsaya lihat robah Pancasila.

Mr. P : Kelihatannya ada yang mau rubah Pancasila.

Mr. R : Iya, kriri dan kanan itu. Jadi ngoni calon Doktor sudah harus tahu itu. Ngoni harusjelaskan bagaimana situasi yang terbuka. Jadi pak Harto itu sebetulnya tiga tahundelapan puluh.

Mr. P : Sebetulnya sudah turun. Yang bobrok sebenarnya itu anak-anaknya itu.

Mr. R : Anak-anaknya juga dapatnya sedikit.

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Transcription of Recorded Conversation 2 between A, C, A, T, and N:

A : Ado, so musti hati-hati skali itu. Tau-tau so rupa kit ape tanta. Ado, priksa benoang.

N : Pak Widen lei kurang ada kase tau pa kita. Pak Widen kase tau, ei Pak Lexi so maso rumahsaki. Jatung di tampa karja. Trus kata setelah ada scanning. Mungkin stou ada sesuatukatanya di brain.

A : Wah.

N : Jadi kita pikir jangan-jangan stou so pernah jatung di rumah kong pas tagoyang.

A : Bahaya itu.

N : Itu kang karja di laundry.

A : Si Lexi jatoh di kerjaan.

C : Yaa.

N : Skarang di rumah saki.

A : Di rumah saki. Jatoh nyanda sadar bawa di rumah saki.

N : Pokoknya nanti dia sadar so di rumah saki.

A : So di rumah saki.

N : Katanya karja di laundry itu badiri trus nyanda pernah dudu.

A : Wah.

N : Nanti dudu kalu mo break.

A : Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin you cannot sitanymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu.

T : Pak Albert sudah tau, ya.

A : Iyo, sudah.

N : Kita pikir mungkin dulu pernah jatuh.

T : Siapa?

N : Dokter scanning di kepala, katanya ada sesuatu di kepala.

T : Ada apa?

N : Ada sesuatu, Cuma belum tau pastinya sesuatu ini apa.

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Transcription of Recorded Conversation 3 between Mr. A, Mr. B, and Mr. C:

Mr. A : Pokoknya pertanian. Ndak taulah, macem-macem lah.

Mr. B : Oh, dia di bidang pertanian?

Mr. A : Ya, bidang pertanian.

Mr. C : So brapa lama di sini?

Mr. A : Dia di sini sudah beberapa kali, karena dia makanya mengambil banyak gelar, gitu.Sekarang gelar ini ame dia ambil, gitu. Dan itu sudah membawa dia reader-reader,termasuk seluruh Indonesia. Bahasa Indonesianya, kaget kita.

Mr. C : Bisa ngomong Manado lagi.

Mr. A : Enggak, tapi mengerti bahasa Manado dia. Tapi bicara bahasa Indonesianya enggakdipikir. Kan kita kalo orang di sini selalu.

Mr. B : Lancar itu.

Mr. A : Lancar, langsung bisa tidak pake, enggak segala. Jadi very particular Indonesian.Buku bacaannya, tau enggak, pak? Yang dia baca Pramudya Ananta Toer, segala. Inibahasa Indonesianya buku-buku begini (sambil tertawa).

Mr. C : Jadi hari Minggu mau kesini katanya?

Mr. A : Ya (sambil mengangguk-anggukkan kepala).

Mr. C : Bolehlah, bagus.

Mr. A : Kita perlu ini, kita accommodate untuk kepentingan dia. Kita kan enggak tahu masadepan kita gimana berakhirnya.

Mr. C : Oh, tadi pagi itu ujang kras, ya.

Mr. A : Oh, ya?

Mr. C : Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini.

Mr. D : Kiapa?

Mr. C : No ujang sapa mo datang ujang-ujang bagini. Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggubacirita deng orang Manado so pas skali ini. Karena bisa saling tukar pikiran lah.

Mr. A : Iya, dari segi, apa namanya, level intelektual kan menunjukkan juga, apa namanya,apakah komunikasi itu menarik atau enggak, gitu. Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jokita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya. Tapi untuk orang yang berkecimpungan, wah inimemang sulit semuanya itu. Itu yang penting. Dia bilang, waduh, dia makan rw (salahsatu masakan khas Manado) sekarang. Tapi dia dibohongin karena satu jam kemudianbaru dorang bilang itu rw. Dia bilang, aduh, bukan main, celaka.

Mr. C : Terus gimana? Enak katanya?

Mr. A : Wah, setelah itu makan terus. Barangkali lebih berhati-hati, gitu. Tapi masalahdengan segalanya dia senang itu. Dia tinggal dengan Dekan Fakultas Teknik, insinyurSompie.

Mr. C : Oh ya, Sompie Dekan Fakultas Teknik.

Mr. A : Dia tinggal di sana. So lama di Manado, di Unsrat.

Mr. C : Oh, sekarang dia ambil program Doktor di Monash. Jurusan apa dia ambil?

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Mr. A : Pertanian. Pertanian itu ilmu bidangnya. Alasannya dia ada di Unsrat untuk itu.Rupanya ada kerja sama antara Teleseatle sama Unsrat dimana dia yang menjadiininya, dari sana. Jadi dia belajar bahasa Indonesia semuanya di Seatle. Kita kagetlho. Kok belajar di ……, itu kan orang Indonesia yang ada di sana cumin berapa,duabelas, tigabelas orang. Tapi bahasa Indonesianya yang dia pelajari itu mudah, yadatang dari sini. Dia bilang, aduh, saya sangat senang sekali.

Mr. C : Memang kalu Unsrat dengan mereka kerja sama sudah langsung sekarang. Dorang sonyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu. Pertama dari Ujungpandang,lewat Ujungpandang baru Jakarta, baru sana baru ke Amerika. Sekarang malah bisalangsung. Malah sekarang Unsrat sudah buka program Pasca Sarjana yang apanamanya mendidik untuk calon-calom Master dan Doktor. Itu sudah bisa di Unsratsekarang. Makanya sekarang banyak dosen-dosen kita yang di sana saja. Nda perludatang ke Jawa atau Ujungpandang.

Mr. A : Memang begitu. Kita juga surprise. Itu kaya udah diatur aja bahwa kita ketemunya,kan. Karena bisa aja dia jalan dari seberang sana dan seberang sini. Kan udah kayadiatur, gitu. Dan orang ini kelihatan kalu dia lihat kita udah mulai kehabisan bahan,sudah arah stagnasi kalu sudah larut malam. Kita langsung respons. Kita juga begitudia udah ini …….. . Jadi itu posisi jalan terus. Very good common, gitu. Kesempatankita. Dia komunikator yang baik. Tidak heran bahwa dia bisa dapat begitu banyakbeasiswa.

Mr. C : Orang kan kalu sudah betul-betul levelnya sudah tinggi, apalagi lagi ambil ini, sudahmantap itu.

Mr. A : Iya, sudah mantap itu. Jadi yang lagi dia kerjain sekarang, dia mau jual mobil. Diajual mobil. Mobilnya diangkat …….. Dia beli di sini. Di sini lebih mahaldibandingkan di sana (Amerika). Jadi termasuk yang lima ribuan supaya dia bisamobile karena ada istrinya segala.

Mr. C : Bakalan menarik kalu dia datang.

Mr. A : Apalagi ………

Mr. C : Apalagi kalu dia tahu ada Manado di sini.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 151 - 165 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

TELICITY IN INDONESIAN

Nurhayati*Diponegoro University

[email protected]

Abstract

This study aims to explain how the telic and atelic meanings are inherently containedby Indonesian verbs and to describe the way the arguments and other sentencecomplements influence the telicity in a sentence level. Data of this research aredynamic and durative verbs taken from two Indonesian grammar books: Tata BahasaBaku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) and Indonesian: A ComprehensiveGrammar (Sneddon: 1996). The verbs are analysed using semantic parameters toidentify their inherent meaning of telicity. The parameters complemented by syntacticparameters are also used to explain the interaction of the verbs and their arguments inexpressing the telicity of a sentence. The results show that the telicity of Indonesianverbs depends on their semantic feature that is inherently contained. IntransitiveIndonesian verbs can be identified more easily than transitive verbs. The cause is thatthe telicity of the latter depends on their definiteness and plurality of the arguments. Ona sentence level, other elements of a sentence also influence the telicity of a situation.

Key words: telic, atelic, terminal/natural end points, situations, type of situations

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan bagaimana verba dalam Bahasa Indonesiamengandungi makna inheren yang berupa makna ketelisan dan bagaimana maknaketelisan tersebut dipengaruhi oleh kehadiran argumen dan elemen lain dalam araskalimat. Data penelitian ini berupa sejumlah verba yang memiliki fitur semantisdinamis dan duratif yang diperoleh dari dua buku tatabahasa: Tata Bahasa BakuBahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) dan Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar(Sneddon: 1996), serta kalimat yang mengandungi jenis verba tersebut. Ketelisan verbadan kalimat dianalisis berdasarkan parameter semantis dan sintaktis. Hasil penelitianmenunjukkan bahwa sifat ketelisan dari verba ditentukan oleh fitur semantis yangmelekat di dalam diri verba tersebut. Verba taktransitif lebih mudah diidentifikasidaripada verba transitif. Hal tersebut disebabkan makna ketelisan verba transitifbergantung pada sifat ketakrifan dan kejamakan argumen nomina yangmendampinginya. Ketelisan verba tersebut juga dipengaruhi oleh elemen lain dalamkalimat.

Kata kunci: telis, atelis, titik akhir alami, situasi, tipe situasi

INTRODUCTION

Telicity is a universal semantic concept related to the inherent temporal meaning of a situation.1

Telicity consists of a telic and atelic meaning. A situation is telic if it has an inherent goal orterminal point. When the goal is achieved, the situation finishes. On the other hand, an atelicsituation does not have the terminal point. Since Garey (1957) introduced the term telic andatelic for the first time, the study of telicity has driven many linguists to explore the linguisticrealization of the concept. The distinction between telic and atelic feature of a situation isimportant, particularly for languages which have a grammatical system that split perfectivefrom imperfective aspect, such as English, French, Russian, and many Slavic languages.However, it does not mean that the concept of telicity is not important for non-aspect languages,such as Indonesian.

The concept of telicity in Indonesian is important to depict a situation perceived by aspeaker. An Indonesian speaker has an option in expressing an aspectual meaning of a situation:explicitly or implicitly. Indonesian has some lexical words to explicitly express the perfective

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meaning, such as telah, sudah, and habis, as well as the imperfective meaning such as sedang,tengah, and lagi. However, one expression may result different interpretations based on thetelicity of the sentence expressed. Consider the following example.

(1) Dia tengah berada di antara kerumunan para penggemarnya,sementara suaminya tengah merapikan ruang ganti pakaian.‘She was [imperfective] among crowds of her fans,while her husband was tidying up the dressing room.’

The use of tengah in the first clause of the example expresses the situation of being among thecrowds as close to the reader without resulting an implication that the situation has not finishedyet. On the other hand, using tengah in the second clause indicates that ‘the process of tidyingup the dressing room is still in progress’ and the implication that ‘the process has not finishedyet’. The different interpretation of tengah is caused by the different telicity of the two clauses.The first clause is atelic, whereas the second is telic.

Telicity in Indonesian is also important to decide what kind of verb form chosen toexpress a situation. The situation of ‘singing’ can be expressed using (2) or (3).

(2) Dia bernyanyi di depan para tamu.‘She sang in front of the guests.’

(3) Dia menyanyikan lagu Tanah Airku di depan para tamu.‘She sang Tanah Airku song in front of the guests.’

The ‘situation-in-the world’ that is referred by the two sentences is the same, but the speakerdescribed the situation using a different characterization. In (2) the speaker percieved thesinging situation as an action that does not have a natural end point. The singer can halt heractivity at any point and the situation of singing in front of the guests is true. On the contrary,the speaker of (3) perceived the situation of singing as a complete situation that has an initial,medieval, and natural end point (culmination). If the singer stopped singing the song beforesinging the final part of the song, the situation cannot be described by the sentence (3). The twoexamples are due to the concept of telicity. Sentence (2) expresses an atelic situation whereassentence (3) expresses a telic situation. It shows that telicity in Indonesian is related to the verbform.

The importance of the telicity concept in linguistic study has attracted the attention ofsome linguists such as Comrie (1976), Lyons (1977), Mourelatos (1981), Dik (1989; 1994), andSmith (1991). They conducted the study of telicity concept and its expression in some languagesin the world that will be explicated later. Unfortunately, there are very few studies of the topicin Indonesian. Usually, the concept of telicity is discussed at a glance in the broader topic suchas aspect, tense, or other temporal concepts. Two studies that have a relation with the telicityconcept in Indonesian were conducted by Tadjuddin (1993) and Montolalu (2001).

Tadjuddin (1993) analyzed the expression of aspectual meaning from Russian toIndonesian. There is one point that should be criticised from Tadjuddin, related to the concept oftelicity. Citing Comrie’s argument, Tadjuddin (1993:42) explained that telicity is an inherentmeaning of verbs. He said that a telic situation describes “proses menuju sasaran akhir” and“tercapainya sasaran akhir” (1993:42). The first limitation is quoted from Comrie’s statement:“a process that leads up to a well-defined terminal point” (Comrie1978:45 in Tadjuddin1993:42-3). The statement actually has not finished yet, because there is an embedded clause“..., beyond which the process cannot continue” (Comrie 1978:45). The additional explanation isvery important, because it focuses on the attention that the ongoing process of the telic situationis restricted by the terminal point. This internal time that expands from the beginning to theterminal point of the situation is the inherent feature of the telic situation. An example of thetelic situation is a situation of ‘sinking’. The situation has an initial point that is the beginning offalling down from the surface of water (a river, a pond, sea, etc.); succesive stages, that is theprocess itself; and a terminal point, such as the bed of the river. However, a telic situation does

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not concern with whether the process must go on until it achieves the terminal point or not. Theachieving or not achieving a terminal point is related to the aspectual character. Therefore,Tadjuddin’s second limitation of the telic definition is misleading. His argument is quotedfrom Comrie (1978:47): “ In expressions referring to telic situations it is important that thereshould be both a process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point”. Insteadof being interpreted as ‘tercapainya titik akhir’ (acheiving a terminal point), it should beinterpreted as ‘memiliki titik akhir’ (having a terminal point). My argument is based onComrie’s following explanation:

With a telic situation, it is possible to use a verbal form with imperfectivemeaning, the implication being that at the time in question the terminal point hadnot yet been reached; indeed, it is possible to state explicitly that the terminalpoint was never reached, as in Mary was singing a song when she died. (Comrie1978:47)

Montolalu (2001) studied aspectual meaning in Indonesian discourses. Using theSmith’s concept of situation types, Montolalu presented the aspectual meaning of a discourse.However, she did not explain how to decide the meaning in Indonesian. For example, Montolalu(2001:182) explained that a ter-V in (4) has a telic meaning because the verb expresses“menyatakan mencapai hasil yang disebutkan kata dasar” (achieving the result stated by thebase verb) and “peristiwa telah tercapai” (the event has been achieved).

(4) Perum Angkasa Pura Dua tercatat sebagai pembayar PBB terbesar.‘The Angkasa Dua Ltd. has been recorded as the largest tax payer.’

The explanation implies that, according to Montolalu (2001), a telic situation refers to thesuccesful of achieving the terminal end point. The explanation shows that Montolalu (2001)blends the concepts of telicity and aspectuality. It is incorrect because the meaning of telicsituation is the process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point. The telicsituation can be expressed using a perfective or an imperfective aspect.

The present study is an attempt not to confound telicity and aspectuality. In this paper, Iwould like to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic situations is performed in Indonesian.Generally, a telic or atelic situation is expressed by a verb and its arguments. But, it is a verbthat has a potential meaning of telicity. The potential meaning is or is not realized when the verbis used as a predicate together with its arguments in a sentence. This study has two purposes.The first is to examine the relation between the verb forms of Indonesian and the telic or atelicmeaning. The second is to identify the kinds of arguments that influence the telicity of the verbs.

THEORETICAL CONCEPTS OF TELICITY

Human beings use several ways to perceive realities in the physical world. The result of theperceiving activity is the description of realities in someone’s mind that are called situations(Comrie 1976:13; Lyons 1977:483) or states of affairs (Dik 1989:89). To express the situations,a speaker tends to classify them into certain types of situations based on their inherent temporalstructures. The way the situations are classified into certain types of situation is calledactionality (Bache 1997:218). Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976), Mourelatos (1981), Dik(1989; 1994), and Smith (1991), are interested in studying the actionality and how to express theactionality in a language.

Every linguist uses different ways to classify situations into types of situations. Byusing the term inherent aspect or semantic aspect, instead of actionality, Comrie (1976:41—51)makes opposition between punctual vs. durative situations, telic vs. atelic situations, and statevs. dynamic situations. The terms of the situation types follow inherent temporal features of thesituations. It means that Comrie (1976: 41—51) uses the features of (+ punctual), (+ telic),and (+ dynamic). Mourelatos (1978 in Verkuyl 1993:50—51) also uses the same temporal

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features to classify situations into four categories: states, processes, developments, and punctualoccurrences. Verkuyl (1993:50) assumes that the classification follows the idea of Vendler(1957) and Kenny (1963) for categorizing verb-types. Dik (1989:91) uses a term states of affairs(SoAs) instead of situations to refer perceived realities. Dik (1989:91) also uses the threeinherent temporal features, (+ dynamic), (+ telic), (+ punctual/momentaneous), and adds twomore features, (+ control), and (+ experience) to classify SoAs into six types: position, state,accomplishment, activity, change, and dynamism. And finally, using the inherent temporalfeatures of dynamicity, telicity, and punctuality, Smith (1991:30), followed by Brinton (2000)and Cruse (2004:287), classifies situations into states, activities, accomplishments,achievements, and semelfactives. The above explanation shows that the temporal features ofdynamicity, telicity, and punctuality have significant roles in classifying situations into types ofsituations.

In this section, I will not explain the three features in more detail, but I will explain oneof the inherent temporal features, i.e. telicity. The two other features will be explained if theyhave relationship with the explanation of telicity. Strictly speaking, this section consists of theexplanation about the basic concept of telicity and what language expressions are used toexpress telicity.

The term telic and atelic, as proposed by Garey (as quoted in Binnick 1991:189), is asfollows: telic situations have inhrent terminal points or natural culminations and atelic situations“do not have to wait for a goal fot their realization”. Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976),Mourelatos (1978), Hopper and Thompson (1990), Dahl (1989), and Smith (1991), develop thetelicity concept in order to differentiate activity from accomplishment. The two types ofsituation are both dynamic and durative. The different feature is that the first does not have anatural goal whereas the second has. Therefore, an activity is categorized as an atelic situationand an accomplishment is a telic situation. Based on the concept, Comrie (1976:47) gives alimitation that the telic situation consists of “both a process leading up to the terminal point aswell as the terminal point” Thus, the situation in (5) is telic because the situation shows achange of stages (+ dynamic) and lasts in time (+ durative) towards the inherent terminal point,that is completing reading a novel.

(5) Patrick read a novel.

When, for example, in the middle of reading a novel, Patrick must go out, we cannot report thesituation as “Patrick read [past] a novel” because he has not completed reading it. On the otherhand, the situation in (6) is atelic because it does not have the inherent natural end point orculmination.

(6) Patrick read.

The activity of reading may continue or be stopped at any time, but it cannot finish.From the definition of the telicity, Comrie (1976:47) differentiates telic situations from

achievements that is proposed by Vendler (1967). One of the semantic features of anachievement is [– durative] or punctual. It does not proceed for certain time because anachievement type of situation just shows the change of state of affair, not the process toward theprocess.

The problem occurs when the definition of telic situation is used to describe certainsituations such as “falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race”. The situations canbe perceived either as punctual with no internal part of situation or as durative with internaltemporal part of the situation. The first interpretation is derived from the perception that thefour situations are the moment of changing the state of affair. They do not consist of ‘processesas a requirement of a telic situation (see Comrie 1978:47). However, Mourelatos (1978) andSmith (1991) have different opinion about the telicity of the situations. According to the twolinguists, the four situations are categorized into achievement type of situation that is telic.Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:180– 181) distinguishes telic from atelic situations based on

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whether or not a situation has terminative states of affairs. For him, a telic situation is anoccurrence or dynamic situation that has a terminative state of affair while an atelic situation isthe one that does not have a terminative state of affair. Thus, according to Mourelatos (1978 inBinnick 1991:181), an activity is an atelic situation and an event is a telic situation. The telicsituations, according to Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:181), consist of two subtypes: (i)developments or accomplishments with the durative property and (ii) punctual occurrences orachievements with the punctual property. Smith (1991) also has a thought that the telic feature isthe property of both accomplishment and achivement. As an consequence of her idea, shecreates a new type of situation, that differentiate an achievement from an instantaneous atelicsituation that is called semelfactive.

The second interpretation is resulted from the argument that the situations of “fallingasleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” consist of preparatory process that leads to aterminal point. When the terminal point is achieved, there is a change from “being awakened”to a condition of “sleeping”; from “being alive” to “death”; from “being visible” to “beingunvisible”; and from “doing the race” to “being a winner”. The second interpretation results thatthe four situations can be depicted using imperfective aspect and be considered as having telicmeaning. The interpretation comes from Freed (1979) that categorized the situations as “gradualachievements”. “Falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” are instantaneoussituations that are culminative. Reaching the culminative point is the essential feature of thesituation. It is the typical feature of achievement. However, the situation of “falling asleep” isinitated by an other phase that embeds the situation. The feature makes the gradual achievementsimilar to accomplishment and have a telic feature.

In English, the first interpretation is expressed using the verbs fall, die, fade, and winwith perfective aspect, while the second interpretation is expessed using the verbs withimperfective aspect. In Indonesian, there are verbs such as tertidur ‘fall asleep’, mati ‘die’,lenyap ‘fade’, and memenangi balapan ‘win the race’ to refer to the first interpretation of thesituations. However, Indonesian speakers have different perception in viewing the preparatoryprocess that leads to the situation. The first two situations can be percieved as having thepreparatory processes, but they are treated as autonomous situations, not being embedded intothe situation. The preparatory processes of the two situations are expressed using a verb merasamengantuk ‘feeling sleepy’, an adjective sekarat ‘dying’, respectively. The other two situationsare considered as having preparatory processes embedding to the punctual situations if the verbslenyap and memenangi balapan are combined with durative adverbs such as dalam waktu 20menit (within 20 minutes).

My opinion is that telicity is a semantic feature of a dynamic and durative situation.This feature is important to differentiate accomplishment from achievement. Anaccomplishment is telic whereas an achievement is atelic. Some achievement situations that areinitiated by a certain process can be grouped as a “gradual achievement” that is telic. Thegradual achiement will describe a process leading up to the culmination if it is viewed usingprogressive aspect, but a pure achievement will describe the iterative occurence if it is viewedusing the same aspect.

So far, I have explained the concept of telicity as a property of a situation. In thissection, I am going to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic is expressed in a language.Comrie (1976:45) says that “situations are not described by verb alone, but rather by the verbtogether with its argument (subject and objects)”. Other linguists such as Dik (1989), Binnick(1991), Smith (1991), and Verkuyl (1993) have the similar idea as Comrie’s. They argue thatsituations are expressed in the level of sentences or clauses. Below is the summary of thesemantic and syntactic properties related to the meaning of telicity taken from Comrie(1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick (1991:190) and Smith (1991: 232—239).

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(i) There are verbs have telic or atelic potential features. In English, verbssuch as, make, build and paint are examples of potential telic verbs;whereas run, swim, walk, and laugh are examples of atelic verbs. InGerman, erkämpfen ‘achieve by means of a fight’ is telic, but kämpfen‘fight’ is atelic.

(ii) The verbs with an atelic potential meaning express telic situations if theyare combined with a directional prepositional phrase or completiveadverbials. In English the verb walk describes an atelic feature in Martinwalked, but it describes a telic feature in Martin walked to the beach. Theformer, Martin walked describes a situation of walking that does not havenatural end point. The agent of the situation can stop walking anytime.Whenever he stops, we can say that he walked or he has walked. Thelatter describes the situation that goes on until reaching the natural endpoint. When subject reaches the beach, the situation finishes. On thecontrary, when subject stops walking before reaching the beach, it wouldbe inappropriate to say Martin has walked to the beach.

(iii) Verbs with a telic potential meaning express atelic situations if they arecombined with mass nouns and bare plurals. In English, He built a houseexpresses a telic situation, but he built houses expresses an atelicsituation.

(iv) Certain particles, such as in, at, and on in english can have an atelic effectfrom a telic expression. John wrote the report is telic, but John wrote atthe report is atelic.

(v) A verbal English prefix re- forms telic expression, such as in rewrite andreread.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The present study uses two kinds of data: verbs and sentences. To explain the potential meaningof telicity that is inherently contained by a verb, I use a number of verbs as data taken fromChapter IV of Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et all. 1998) and Chapter I ofIndonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar (Sneddon 1996). The two chapters discuss Indonesianverbs and provide a number of varied examples based on their syntactic feature (transitive vs.intransitive verbs) and on their forms (primary vs. secondary verbs/derived verbs). The verbsmust have semantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative] because a verb can have telic oratelic meaning if it has the two features.

To select the kind of verbs, I used the following semantic and syntactic parameters:

(i) A dynamic verb can answer the question Apa yang dilakukan olehsubjek? ‘what does subject do?’ or can be used to make an imperativesentence. For example, tiba ‘arrive’ berlari ‘run’ and pulang ‘go home’are dynamic verbs because they can answer the question and can functionas a predicator of an imperative sentence, whereas mempunyai ‘have’ isstative or non-dynamic. The result shows that I have to eliminatemempunyai from the data list.

(ii) A durative verb can answer the question Berapa lama situasiterjadi/berlangsung? ‘how long does the situation happen?’. Based on thetest, I also have to eliminate the verb tiba from the data list, because theverb expresses the momentary event and can answer the second question.

The next step is analysing the data to decide whether a verb is potentially telic or atelic.Based on the telicity concept proposed by Comrie (1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick(1991:190) and Smith (1991:232—239), a telic verb inherently has a goal or a terminal point. It

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is a matter of semantics parameter. Pulang is a verb depicting a situation that has a natural endpoint. When an agent arrived home, the situation of ‘going home’ could not continue. On theother hand, berlari expresses the situation that goes with unlimited duration. Subject of theaction can stop or continue any time s/he wants. The verb pulang has a telic potential meaning,whereas berlari has an atelic potential meaning (see the semantic parameter).

Sentences are the second kind of data that are used to identify the influence ofarguments in depicting the telicity of a situation. The sentences must consist of verbs with thesemantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative]. They were taken from the two books,newspapers, and from internet. To complete the kind of data, I also created sentences that werenot found from the previus sources. In this analysis I used some techniques such as ellipsis,substitution, expansion, opposition, and paraphrase.

RESULTS

The Expressions of Telic and Atelic Situations in Indonesian

Using assumptions that a potential meaning of telicity is expressed by verbs, I start analyzingIndonesian verbs as a unit of analysis. To identify the difference of a telic verb and an atelicverb, I analyze the verbs in a sentence that contains singular nouns or noun phrases as theargument. The aim of the limitation is to build a sentence that expresses a single situation. Theinfluence of arguments in expressing telicity will be explained in the next part.

In this paper, the semantic parameters that are used to identify a telic or atelic sentenceare as follows.

(i) Indonesian verbs have an inherent meaning that potentially refers the telicity.(ii) Telicity is a feature of dynamic and durative sentences.(iii) The potential meaning can be realized or remain potential if the verbs are

in a sentence level based on their constellations with other arguments.(iv) A telic sentence expresses a situation that inherently has a goal or a

terminal point whereas an atelic sentence expresses a situation that doesnot have a terminal point.

(v) When the terminal point is reached, the situation finishes and the telicsentence implies a meaning of changing a state of affair.

(vi) The situation expressed by an atelic sentence can stop any time but cannot finish.

(vii) The non-inclusive adverbial phrase selama… ‘during...’ collocates withan atelic sentence but the inclusive adverbial phrase dalam waktu … ‘in(time)’ collocates with a telic sentence.

The Potential Telicity of Indonesian Verbs

Based on their forms, Indonesian verbs are classified into two categories; those are simple oraffixless verbs and derived verbs.2 Verbs in the first category can directly function aspredicates. On the other hand, the derived verb can function as a predicate after being added bycertain affix(es) or derived through other derivational processes. According to Alwi et all.(1998:101) derived verbs are “verba yang dibentuk melalui transposisi, pengafiksan,reduplikasi, atau pemajemukan (pemaduan)” (verbs that are derived from the processes oftransposition, affixation, reduplication, or compounding). In this paper, I will only discuss thederived verbs from the process of affixation and transposition. The two other derived verbs,reduplication and compounding, will be studied in the other occasion. Transpositional verbs,such as jalan or berjalan ‘walk’, cangkul or mencangkul ‘hoe’, and sendok or menyendok‘spoon’ according to Alwi et al. (1998:101) are verbs derived from noun. The affixes of theverbs does not function to change the meaning, but to mark the formality of the form. Thediscussion of the type of verbs will be included in the discussion of affixed verbs.

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The Affixless Verbs

Among the affixless verbs taken from Alwi et all. (1998) and Sneddon (1996), there are at leasttwenty five verbs that have the semantic feature [+ dynamic] and [+ durative]. Based on thepotential telicity, they are grouped into three.

I II IIIduduk ‘sit’ karam ‘sink’ makan ‘eat’lari ‘run’ lewat ‘pass minum ‘drink’mandi ‘bath’ pulang ‘come back’ potong ‘cut’mohon ‘beg’ roboh ‘fall down’tampil ‘appear’ tenggelam ‘sinkterbang ‘fly’ terjun ‘jump’tidur ‘sleep’ tumbang ‘collapsetumbuh ‘grow’ lenyap ‘disappear’turut ‘participate’pergi ‘go’naik ‘go up’turun ‘go down’

Group I consists of verbs that inherently have meaning of unended activities. The situation thatis expressed by the verbs is the one which does not have a natural end point. Someone may run,sleep, grow, sit, beg, bath, appear, fly, and participate for unlimited time. He can halt at anypoint of the situation time. The verb terbang, for example, can be used to express the situationof flying without being limited by a natural end point. Sentence (7) expresses the situation offlying without having a natural end point. There is no culmination in the situation.

(7)Burung elang itu terbang tinggi sekali.(The eagle flew very highly)

(atelic)

When the bird suddenly stops flying, the sentence still has a truth value. From the inherentmeaning, it can be said that the group I has a potential atelic meaning. The verbs are categorizedinto intransitive verbs because they do not need objects on the sentence level.

The verbs in group II are also categorized as intransitive verbs. However, the verbsexpress the situations that are different from the situation expressed by group I. The secondgroup of verbs expresses the situation that has a natural culmination. Someone who sinks[tenggelam] will finish sinking if he/she reaches the bottom of the river, the swimming pool, thesea, etc. It means that the situation of sinking consists of process leading up to the bottom of aplace. The verb pulang ‘go home’ expresses the situation of moving to the initial place. If in themiddle of the activity, before arriving at the initial place, someone cancels the activity, thesituation of pulang has not been achieved. The verb lenyap expresses the process of fadingobject gradually until the object cannot be seen anymore. The example of the sentence thatdescribes the kind of situation is as follows.

(8) Bayangan itu perlahan-lahan lenyap di balik pepohonan .‘The shadow gradually disappeared behind the trees.’

The last group of the verbs is categorized as transitive verbs. We find the difficulty toidentify the telicity of the verbs because it depends on the feature of their arguments. The role ofarguments in deciding telicity will be explicated later.

The Affixed and Transpositional Verbs

Most of the Indonesian verbs are formed by the process of affixation. Some affixes can beembedded both to intransitive and transitive verbs and some of them can only be embedded toeither intransitive or transitive verbs. Based on the explanation of Alwi et al. (1998:119—146),

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intransitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-, ber-, ber-/-kan, ber-/-an, ter-, and ke-an, whereas transitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-/ -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i,di-, and ter-.

Among the prefixes that derive intransitive verbs, prefix ter- and ke-/-an generally buildverbs that do not have the feature [+ dyn, + dur]. Therefore, I will not analyze the kinds ofverbs. The intransitive verbs that have the feature [+ dyn, + dur] are derived by adding prefixmeng-, ber-, and ber-/-an, to their base. Verbs containing meng- perform either telic or atelicsituations. The meng- intransitive verbs (meng-Int-Vs) that have meaning ‘become [base]’ and‘go to [base] tend to have a potential telic meaning. The verbs are exemplified as follows.

Meaning: ‘Become [base]’

Membatu ‘harden’Mengering ‘dry’Membusuk ‘decay’Memutih ‘become white’Menyempit ‘tighten’Membesar ‘enlarge’Menyatu ‘integrate’

Meaning: ‘Go to [base]’Mendarat ‘land’Melaut ‘go to sea’Menepi ‘move to the side’Mengutara ‘go north’

Verbs such as menyatu ‘integrate’, mendarat ‘land’, membatu ‘harden’, and memutih ‘becomewhite’ express a process towards a culmination, those are being united, reaching a land area,being hard, and being white respectively. When the culmination is reached, the activities finish.Therefore, they are categorized as telic verbs.

On the other hands, other meng-Int-Vs that have meanings ‘consume [base]’, ‘resemble[base]’, ‘produce sound [base]’, and ‘collect [base]’ inherently describe situations that do nothave the culmination. The situations they describe can be halted but cannot finish. The verbmerokok ‘smoke’, for example, expresses the situation that a subject consumes cigarettees.There is no natural end point that the subject must achieve. When at any time the subject ceasessmoking, it can be implied that he has smoked. The feature leads to conclude that the meng-Int-Vs of this type have a potential atelic meaning. Some other examples of meng-Int-Vs with anatelic meaning are as follows.

Meaning ‘consume [base]’ Mengopi ‘drink coffee’

Meaning ‘resemble [base]’Membukit ‘resemble a hill’Menyemut ‘resemble ants’

Meaning ‘produce sound of [base]’ Mengeong ‘miouw’Meraung ‘roar’Memekik ‘scream’

Meaning ‘collect [base]’ Mendamar ‘collect resin’Merumput ‘collect grasses’

Intransitive verbs that are derived by combining a base form plus ber--kan express thestative situation, such as berdasarkan ‘based on’, beranggotakan ‘have as members’, and‘beristrikan ‘have as a wife’. Therefore, the verbs are nor discussed in the paper.On the otherhand, ber- and ber--an that create patterns ber-Int-Vs and ber-Int-Vs-an form affixed verbs thathave various actional features. Among them which have features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative] are the derived verbs that have meanings ‘use/wear [base]’, ‘result [base]’, ‘conductactivity of [base]’, ‘undergo the event of [base]’, and ‘reciprocal’. They express atelic situation.Those kinds of verbs express the situation that go on without having culmination. Thefollowing table shows some atelic verbs that are formed by adding ber- and ber—an.

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Meaning of affix ber- and ber—an. Examples‘use [base]’ Bersepeda ‘(to go) using bicycle’

Berlayar ‘(to go) sailing’‘result [base]’ Berkata ‘say’

Berteriak ‘shout’‘conduct activity of [base]’ Bepergian ‘go’

Berguguran ‘fall several times’‘undergo the event of [base]’ Berjualan ‘sell for a living’‘reciprocal’ Berpelukan ‘embrace each other’

Bersahutan ‘answer each other’

As I said in the previous explanation, the Indonesian transitive verbs can be derived by addingthe affixes meng-, -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i, di-, and ter-. Most of transitive verbs that containprefix ter- express the stative meaning. Therefore, I will not analyze the kind of verbs. Prefixdi- builds passive verbs. The prefix has a close relationship with the active prefix of meng-.Based on the syntactic property, I will discuss the telicity of the meng-V and di-V together.The transitive verbs using affix meng- express a meaning ‘melakukan perbuatan yangdinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (to do the activity that is stated by their base form) (Alwi et al.1998:119). The kind of verbs can express either telic or atelic situations. The examples of theverbs that have telic meanings are mengambil ‘to fetch’, menjual ‘to sell’, menutup ‘to close’,membuka ‘to open’, and membangun ‘to build’. Those verbs, as exemplified below, are usedto describe the situation that has a natural end point.

(9) Ia mengambil topi itu lalu meninggalkan aku sendiri.‘he fetched the hat and leaved me alone.’

(10) Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu membuka jendela dan menutupnya kembali.‘Mia stood up, opened the window, and closed it.’

(11) Aku membangun rumah ini dalam waktu satu tahun.‘I built this house in a year.’

The verb mengambil in sentence (9) describes the situation that proceeds until subject succeededto move the hat from the first place to his hand. The change of the state of affair marks thenatural end point of the situation. If the subject stops the activity before reaching the terminalpoint, the situation still contains the natural end point, but it is not clear whether the subjectcontinue to reach the end point or not. To illustrate, consider the following example.

(12) Ia sedang mengambil topi itu ketika tiba-tiba terdengar orang mengetuk pintu.Ia lari melewati pintu belakang, meninggalkan aku sendiri.‘He was fetching his hat when suddenly someone knocked on the door.He run away passing through the back door and leave me alone.’

The use of the aspectual marker sedang in sentence (12) expresses that the end point has notbeen reached. The example (10) expresses the situations of opening and closing the window thateach of them contains natural goal. The first goal is the change from closing to opening whilethe second goal is the change from opening to closing. The natural end point that is expressedby the example (11) is the result of building, that is new new house.

The use of prefix di- for the verbs above results the passive construction. Changingfrom active to passive does not change the telicity of the sentence. The passive forms of theexamples (9) to (11) are as follows.

13 Topi itu diambilnya, lalu ia meninggalkan aku sendiri.‘The hat was fetched and then he left me alone.’

14 Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu jendela itu dibuka dan ditutup kembali.‘Mia stood up, the window was opened and then it was closed .’

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15 Rumah ini dibangun dalam waktu satu tahun.‘This house was built in a year.’

The passive sentences express the situations that proceed to the goal; those are completingactivities of fetching the hat, opening and closing of the window, and building the house. Thedifference between meng-V and di-V is related to the focussing.The active sentences focus onthe actor while the passive ones focus on the recipients.

The verbs such as memakai ‘to wear’, melihat ‘to see’, membawa ‘to bring’, andmemegang ‘to hold’, are the example of atelic verbs. In a sentence that has singular arguments(subject and object), the verbs depict situations that are on going without any terminal point.Subject can do the activity as long as he can. He can stop anytime without changing the propertyof the situation.

From the above exlanation, there is a tendency that the telic feature of meng-V and di-Vdepends on the inherent meaning of their base. If the base has the potential telic meaning suchas ambil, bangun, buka, and tutup, the affix verbs are also telic. On the other hand, if the base isatelic, the affix verb is telic. It can be concluded that adding prefix meng- or di- cannot influencethe telicity ofthe base verb.

Affix (me-)/-kan can be combined with verbs, verbal phrases with ber-, nouns,adjectives, and prepositional phrases to construct transitive verbs (Alwi et al. 1998:119). Thetransitive verbs of this kind express two kinds of meaning : (i) ‘melakukan perbuatan yangdinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (conduct the activity stated by its base) and ‘menyebabkansesuatu/seseorag menjadi (kata dasar)’ (causative meaning). Most of the transitive verbscontaining the affix (me-)/-kan have the potential telic meaning. Here are the examples of theverbs.

Base Derived Verb MeaningVerb menjualkan ‘sell for someone’

mengerjakan ‘do’(conduct the activity)

AdjectiveMengeringkan ‘to dry/to evaporate’Membebaskan ‘to

causative

Noun Meminggirkan ‘put to the edge’Memojokkan ‘put to the corner’

locative

Prepositional Phrase Mengeluarkan ‘take outside’Mengedepankan ‘set forth’

locative

Based on the inherent meaning of the verbs, there is a tendency that most of thetransitive verbs with an affix (me-)/-kan containing the feature [+ dyn, + dur] express telicsituations in a sentence level. The telic meaning can be seen in the following examples.

(16) Ibu menjualkan rumah temannya. ‘My mother sold the house of her friend’(17) Saya mengeringkan baju seragam . ‘I dryed the uniform’(18) Dia memojokkan lemari pakaian saya. ‘He put my wardrobe to the corner’(19) Perempuan itu mengeluarkan sebuah surat dari dalam tas.

‘The woman takes a letter out from her bag.’

Sentence (16) expresses a situation that has a natural end point that is the state of beingsold out. The situation of selling the house proceeded until someone bought it. It is thedescription of a telic situation. The similar description is expressed by the sentences (17), (18),and (19). The sentence (17), for example, implies that we can not say the situation of drying theuniform finishes until the uniform is in a dry condition.

Sneddon (1996:84) says that there are two major functions of transitive verbs with -i:locative -i and repetitive -i. The locative verbs with -i need objects that are places or persons towhich the actions are directed. The objects function as recipients or locations (Sneddon

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1996:85). Like the other transitive verbs, -i locative verbs also have telic or atelic inherentmeanings. The examples of telic -i locative verbs are as follows:

menandatangani ‘to sign’ melompati ‘to jump over’mengakhiri ‘to end’ melangkahi ‘to step over’memagari ‘to fence’ memasuki ‘to enter’menamai ‘to name’ menemui ‘to meet’mewarnai ‘to colour’ menutupi ‘to cover’menguliti ‘to peel’ mengenali ‘to recognize’memenuhi ‘to fulfill’ mendapati ‘to find’menghabisi ‘to finish off’ mendatangi ‘to visit’mendekati ‘to approach’ menyeberangi ‘to cross over’

On the other hands, the following list of -i locative verbs describe atelic situations:

mengipasi ‘to fan’ mengurangi ‘to reduce’mensponsori ‘to sponsor’ mendampingi ‘to stand beside’membuntuti ‘to trail after’ menangisi ‘to weep over’mendalangi ‘to mastermind’ menghalangi ‘to prevent’

The second group of transitive verbs, the repetitive -i verbs, expresses the situations thatoccur more than once. It can be said that the repetitive –i verbs depict atelic situations becausethe situations can be performed again and again without natural ending. The examples of therepetitive –i verbs are:

menciumi ‘to kiss repeteadly’ mengangkati ‘to lift repeatedly’menebangi ‘to chop down repeatedly’ menggigiti ‘to bite repeatedly’mengambili ‘to fetch repeatedly’ menggaruki ‘to scratch repeatedly’memukuli ‘to hit repeatedly’ menembaki ‘to shot repeatedly’

Other transitive verbs are verbs with per- and –kan or –i. Some transitive verbs need only per-,such as memperbanyak ‘to multiply’, mempermudah ‘to make easy’, and mempersulit ‘to makedifficult’, but some other verbs need both per- and –kan or –i, such as mempermainkan ‘tomake fun of’, mempersenjatai ‘to arm with’, and memperingati ‘to commemorate’. Just like theother transitive verbs, the verbs with per- and –kan or –i have potential meaning of telicity. Butmost of them inherently express atelic situation. The group of verbs that have causative meaningsuch as memperbesar ‘to enlarge’, memperjelas ‘to clarify’, memperindah ‘to make morebeautiful’, and memperpanjang ‘to extend’ are atelic. They depict situations that proceed forunlimited time. There is no terminal point that should be achieved. The agent of the situationcan go on or stop his activity any time. On the other hand, there are only several verbs withper- and –kan or –i that inherently have telic interpretation. Among them are memperisitri ‘totake as wife’, mempertemukan ‘to meet’, and mempersatukan ‘to unite’.

Verbs derived from the process of reduplication tend to express an atelic meaning suchas, berteriak-teriak ‘to shout repeatedly’, pukul-memukul ‘to hit each other’, menimang-nimang‘to move a child up and down in the arms repeatedly’, and menyobek-nyobek ‘to tear somethingrepeatedly’. They have potency to express situation that occurs more than one time and do nothave a certain natural ending.

The Influence of Arguments and Other Complements in Expressing Telicity in Indonesian

As explained from the previous discussion, a situation is signaled by a verb together with itsarguments (subject and objects) in a sentence level. In this section, attention will be paid to theinfluence of the arguments and other complements in a sentence in expressing the telicity of asituation. The semantic aspects of arguments that influence the telicity of a sentence areplurality and genericity. As being discussed in the previous part, a sentence that has a singular

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definite subject and/or object expresses a single situation. In this environment, the potentialtelic/atelic meaning of a verb occurs. Consider the following sentences.

(20) Mobil itu tenggelam ‘The car sank’(21) Pesawat itu terbang ‘The car flew’(22) Pak Tino menggambar kuda ‘Mr. Tino drew a horse’

Each of the three sentences describes a single situation. However, the situations described in(20) and (22) are different from the one in (21). Sentences (20) and (22) describe telic situation,while sentence (21) describe an atelic one. In (20), the situation of sinking proccedes towardsthe bottom (of the river/sea). It is the natural end point of the situation. If, for example, the car islifted before reaching the bottom, the situation can not be described using the sentence (20). Thetelic meaning of the sentence is built by the combination of the singular definit noun and thepotential telic verb. In (22) the telic meaning of drawing a horse is expressed through theinteraction of a proper name, a single definit noun, and a potential telic verb. Sentence (21), onthe other hand, describes the atelic situation because the activity of flying does not have anatural end point.

To show that the form of noun as an argument can influent the telicity of a sentence, Iwill substitute the definite singular noun mobil itu in (16) with an indefinite plural noun banyakmobil ‘many cars’ such as in:

(23) Banyak mobil tenggelam ‘Many cars flew.’

The situation described in (23) consists of several telic subsituations. It is called a multiplesituation (Huddleston and Pullum 2002:123). The whole sentence describe an atelic situationbecause the sentence does not give information when the situation finishes. The problem iswhat formal marker of a noun is used as an indicator of telicity. Unfortunately, the marker ofdefiniteness is not obligatory in Indonesian. Alwi, et all. (1998:285) state that noun can standalone without an article or any quantifier in a sentence. It can refer to a singular entity, someentities, or all entities. They give an example of the word anjing ‘dog’. The reference of theword depends on contexts of a sentence containing the word. In a sentence

(24) Anjing suka tulang. (Alwi, et al. 1998:285) ‘Dogs like bones.’

the words anjing and tulang refer to all dogs and bones in general. However, in a sentence such as

(25) Aku tadi dikejar anjing. ‘I was chased by a dog a moment ago.’

the word anjing refer to a certain dog eventhough there is no article that accompanies the noun.The explanation implies that in Indonesian, the difference between a generic and specificconcept is not grammatically marked. The characteristic of Indonesian nouns make us considerthat the telicity of a sentence is also based on the context.

Beside the arguments, other components can also influence the telicity of a sentence.The atelic situation described in (21) can be changed into telic one by adding a certain adjunct inthe sentence. The sentence (26) below is the modification of sentence (21):

(26) Pesawat itu terbang mengitari markas besar kami. ‘The plane flew around our headquarter.’

Adding adjunct mengitari markas kami changes the atelic sentence of (21) become atelic one. The situation described in (26) is a complete situation that has a natural end point. If,in the middle of flying, the plane fell down, the situation can not be described by using sentence(26). Another adjunct can also change the telicity of sentence (21). A temporal adjucnt such asdalam waktu satu jam ‘in one hour’ can change the atelic sentence become a telic one. Look atthe following modified sentence:

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(27) Pesawat itu terbang dalam waktu satu jam. ‘The plane flew in one hour.’

When the plane has flown during thirty minutes, the situation described by (27) has notcompleted.

CONCLUSION

The explanation of the relationship between the concept of telicity and the verb forms inIndonesian shows that the telic or atelic meaning inherently contained by a verb depends ontheir semantic and syntactic features. The study gives a description that only the dynamic anddurative verbs contain the meaning of telicity. The finding of the study can be summarized asfollows.

(i) Affixless intransitive verbs can have either telic or atelic meaning. Theirtelicity depends on their basic meaning. For example, tidur ‘sleep’ isatelic because, the meaning the verb refers to a certain activity that doeshave natural end point. Tidur can happen in unlimitted time. On the otherhand, tumbang ‘collapse’ performs a situation that is bounded by aterminal point. Therefore, tumbang has a potential telic meaning.

(ii) It is more difficult to identify the meaning of telicity contained by theaffixless transitive verbs in isolation. The telic meaning of this kind ofverbs depends on their arguments. For example, makan ‘eat’ is telic insaya makan sepotong kue ‘I ate a slice of cake’, but it is atelic in sayamakan nasi setiap hari ‘I eats rice everyday’.

(iii) Affixed intransitive verbs can also express either telic or atelic meaning.It is the semantic feature of the verbs that are more decisive.

(iv) There are some group of affixed verbs that tend to perform a certaintelicity: (a) the transitive verbs with affix –i that express repetitivemeaning have an atelic potential meaning; (b) most reduplicative verbshave an atelic potential meaning; (c) intransitive verbs with ber- -an havea telic potential meaning; and (d) most of intransitive verbs with ter- havean atelic potential meaning.

(v) The forms of arguments and other complements of a sentence determinethe telicity of sentence. The summary of the above explanation is asfollows: (a) the arguments with the definite, singular, or countable featuredo not change the telicity of verbs; (b) the arguments with the indefinite,plural, or uncountable feature influence the telic verbs to form atelicsentences; (c) certain directional prepositional phrases or completiveadverbials influence the atelic verbs to form telic sentence.

NOTE

1 The term situation is used to cover various ‘things’ that can be expressed through a clause (Declerck1991:14)

2 The terms affixless is suggested by M. Umar Muslim, PhD. as the reviewer of the paper. Actually hesuggested the affixed verbs for the the verbs that are not categorized as affixless verbs. However, thegroup of verbs are formed not only through affixation. They are also formed trough transposition,repetition, and compounding. In this paper I use the term derived verbs instead of affixed verbs.

* I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and formuch earlier version, I am thankful to Dr. Harry Aveling, Ph.D. DCA, an Adjucnt Professor ofSoutheast Asian Literature, from LA TROBE University, for his reading and editing through thepaper ; and I also would like to thank M. Umar Muslim, PhD. for his helpful comment.

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REFERENCES

Alwi, Hasan, S. Dardjowidjojo, H. Lapoliwa, dan A.M. Moeliono. 1998. Tata Bahasa BakuBahasa Indonesia. Edisi ketiga. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.

Bache, C. 1997. The Study of Aspect, Tense, and Action: Towards a Theory of the Semantics ofGrammatical Categories (a revised edn.). Berlin: Peter Lang GmbH.

Binnick, R. 1991. Time and the Verb: A Guide to Tense and Aspect. New York: OxfordUniversity Press.

Brinton, L.J. 2000. The Structure of Modern English: A Linguistic Introduction. Amsterdam:John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Comrie, B. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cruse, A. 2004. Meaning in Language: An Introduction to Semantics and Pragmatics (secondedn.). New York: Oxford University Press.

Dahl, Ö. 1998. Aspect. In Jacob L. Mey (Ed.). Concise Encyclopaedia of Pragmatic.Amsterdam: Elsevier, 64–71.

Dik, S.C. 1989/1994. The Theory of Functional Grammar, Part I: The Structure of the Clause.Foris: Dordrecht.

Freed, A.F. 1979. The Semantics of English Aspectual Complementation (Synthese LanguageLibrary 8). Reidel: Dordrecht.

Garey, H.B. 1957. Verbal Aspect in French. In Language 33, 91–110.

Hopper, P.J. and S.A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse. Language.Volume 56/1:251–299.

Huddleston, R and G K. Pullum. 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Kenny, A. 1963. Action, Emotion, and Will. Routledge and Kegan Paul: London, New York.Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics: Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Montolalu, R. 2001. Makna Aspektual dalam Wacana Bahasa Indonesia. UnpublishedDissertation, University of Indonesia.

Mourelatos, A.P.D. 1978. Events, Processes and States. In Linguistics and Philosophy, 415–434.

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Smith, C.S. 1991. The Parameter of Aspect. London: Kluwer Academic Publisher.

Sneddon, J N. 1996. Indonesian A Comprehensive Grammar. London: Routledge Grammars.

Tadjuddin. M. 1993. Pengungkapan Makna Aspektualitas Bahasa Rusia dalam BahasaIndonesia: Suatu Telaah tentang Aspek dan Aksionalitas. Jakarta: DepartemenPendidikan dan Kebudayaan.

Vendler, Z. 1957. Verbs and Times. The Philosophical Review 66. 143–160.

------------------.1967. Linguistics in Philosophy. New York: Cornell University Press.

Verkuyl, H.J.1993. A Theory of Aspectuality: The Interaction between Temporal andAtemporal Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 167 - 184 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

SOME NOTES ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEENLANGUAGE USE AND MORAL CHARACTER:

A CASE OF LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION IN INDONESIAN1

Freddy K. Kalidjernih*[email protected]

Abstract

One way to explore the linkages between language use and national character is toscrutinize the way the national language is corrupted, or “linguistic corruption”.Linguistic corruption can be understood as a way of speaking that does not comply withaccepted language standards, but rather tends towards ill-considered, irresponsible,haphazard or even dishonest expression. This frequently occurs in the public arena, aplace where one would expect the primacy of courteous, well ordered speech in theinterests of broad “national advancement”. This self-reflexive paper examines severalcases which exemplify language corruption. Linguistic corruption (as flawedexpression) may occur through imperfect education, a matter which is beyond the scopeof the present paper. More importantly, this paper proposes that linguistic corruptionoften reflects the attitude that language need not comply with principles, and proposesan analogy between unthinking disregard for linguistic principles and a similarlyunthinking disregard for moral principles. This is manifested in the character andidentity of part of the Indonesian nation, and is in part a reflection of the culturalhegemony of the political elite and bureaucracy.

Key words: linguistic corruption, Indonesian, I-grammar, I-morality, moral character,morality, rules, representations, intentionality, taken for grantedknowledge, blurring (the) boundaries

Salah satu cara meneluri keterkaitan antara pemakaian bahasa dan karakter bangsaadalah meneropong bagaimana bahasa bangsa itu “dikorup”, atau “korupsi bahasa”(linguistic corruption). Korupsi bahasa dapat dipahami sebagai suatu cara berbahasayang tidak mematuhi kaidah bahasa, tetapi lebih merupakan ekspresi yang asal-asalan,“semau-gue”, tidak peduli, tidak bertanggung jawab atau bahkan tidak jujur. Ikhwalini sering terjadi pada ranah publik tempat santun-berbahasa dan keapikan berbahasadiharapkan dan dijunjung tinggi demi kemajuan suatu bangsa. Makalah refeksif inimenelaah beberapa kasus yang mencontohkan korupsi bahasa. Korupsi bahasa(sebagai ekspresi yang keliru) dapat terjadi melalui pendidikan yang salah, suatumasalah di luar cakupan makalah ini. Makalah ini berargumen bahwa korupsi bahasasering merefleksikan sikap bahwa berbahasa tidak perlu mematuhi prinsip-prinsip, danmengajukan suatu analogi antara perlakuan tanpa penalaran tentang kaidah-kaidahbahasa dan perlakuan tanpa penalaran prinsip-prinsip moral. Ikhwal initermanifestasikan dalam karakter dan identitas sebagian bangsa Indonesia, dansebagian merupakan cermin dari hegemoni kultural elit politik dan birokrasi.

Kata kunci: korupsi bahasa, bahasa Indonesia, asal-asalan, “semau gue”, karaktermoral, moralitas, kaidah-kaidah, representasi, intensionalitas,pengetahuan yang sudah membudaya, pelenyapan batas tersamar

“But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought…”George Orwell

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IS LANGUAGE RELATED TO MORAL CHARACTER?

Recently much attention has been paid to breaches of morality, such as abuse of power,corruption, injustice and violence in public domain, however the misuse of language, here theIndonesian language, is largely ignored. While many people believe that it is necessary tointroduce a solid character education to equip young Indonesians with positive values toenhance national progress, they also believe that misuse of the national language isunproblematic. Language is seen as having little connection with moral character. It is only aninstrument for achieving specific goals, and words are no more than ideas that are subjectiveand relative.

In fact, language is related to moral character. Language as a metaphor for thinkingabout the nature of society has led many scholars to study linguistic expression in relation tosocial action. The concept is not new. Well before contemporary scholars proposed a parallelbetween verbal expression and mental processes, George Orwell (1946:1-8) wrote his famousessay “Politics and the English Language” from which the opening quotation is drawn.Speaking of what he saw as the decline of a language, he wrote that English “… becomes uglyand inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes iteasier for us to have foolish thoughts…”. Here he seems not to be advocating a Sapir-Whorflinguistic relativity/determinism approach, but rather looking at language and thinking asanalogous, interactive processes.

Subsequent and more specialist linguists and social philosophers have taken these ideasfurther. They include Austin (1962) and Searle (1969) on speech acts, Grice (1989) onconversational postulates, maxims and implicatures, and Brown and Levinson (1987) onpoliteness. Various social and political issues have also been examined through “text and talk”,featuring the production and reproduction of social inequality and domination, such as racismand sexism in the last few decades (Kress & Hodge 1978; Fowler, Hodge, Kress & Trew 1979;Fairclough 1989; Van Dijk 1993; Wodak 1997; Chilton 2004; Lazar 2005; Van Leeuwen 2005).All of these studies suggest a relationship between language and morality.

Employing Noam Chomsky’s generative grammar, Mikhail (2011, 2007), Harman(1998, 1999, 2005), and Roedder & Harman (2008 [2010]) find that the rules of morality areanalogous to the rules of grammar, and that moral theory is in some respects analogous tolinguistic theory. These last two authorities note that while Chomskyan linguists are concernedwith I-grammar as the abstractly specificable properties of a person’s language, moral theoristsare concerned with a person’s moral standards, which can be called I-morality. Roedder &Harman (2008 [2010]: 4-5) argue that:

Just as a grammar specifies the structure of a well-formed linguistic sentenceby using a specialized linguistic vocabulary, an I-moral grammar might specifythe structure of impermissible actions, using a specialized moral vocabulary.That is, just as English grammar might specify how a noun phrase and verbphrase combine to form a grammatical sentence, an I-moral grammar mightspecify that that certain actions, in virtue of their structure, are impermissible,e.g. intentional harm directed towards an innocent person without reason. Inthis way, an I-moral grammar might specify certain action-assessmentrelationships—or, indeed, character-assessment or situation assessmentrelationships. Thus the rules of an I-moral grammar would generate a set ofimpermissible actions, just as a linguistic grammar generates a set ofgrammatical sentences. An I-moral grammar would have to specify the relevantstructures of the objects of moral assessment (e.g., acts, character traits,situations, etc.) using a specialized moral vocabulary, perhaps including termslike ought, obligation, duty, justice, fairness, right, wrong, responsibility,excuse, justification, etc.

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Embracing such generative linguistics concepts as competence and performance, andprinciples and parameters, they suggest a number of examples to show that transformativeprinciples within I-grammar can also be found in certain transformative principles within I-morality. As they further argue (Roedder & Harman 1998 [2010]: 8 )

The linguistic analogy suggests that it might be fruitful to suppose that there isa distinction between moral competence and performance in something likeChomsky’s technical sense of the terms “competence” and “performance”. Asin the linguistic case, we might suppose that other considerations beyond one’sassumed I-morality affect moral intuitions.

John Mikhail (2007) postulates that humans possess an innate moral faculty which is, insome respects, analogous to the faculty for language. Taking John Rawls' remarks in his now-classic Theory of Justice (Rawls 1971) about a possible analogy between linguistics and moraltheory, he concludes that moral cognition crucially depends on the creation of our complexmental representations of actions and their components (Mikhail 2011). Citing Chomsky (2000:71), Harman ( 2001) proposes that the notion of misuse of language is relevant to the study ofgroup identification, authority structure, and the like, but it has yet to be taken seriously inlinguistics.

This paper addresses the nexus between language and morality in the context ofcontemporary Indonesia. Flawed acts of expression (language corruption) and flawed moralbehaviour both articulate the shared “taken for granted” dimensions of everyday life and theunresisted hegemonic knowledge of the Indonesian elite and bureaucrats. Their misuse ofBahasa Indonesia often serves as a model for everyday life and expression. Coupled withimperfect education, it contributes to illogical, inconsistent and inaccurate (improper orunacceptable) corporate and individual moral character. This taken for granted knowledge, suchas essentially nonsensical words (including scientific concepts) and sentences, generates acommonsensical knowledge which many Indonesian live by.

Debate continues within the social sciences and humanities relevant to issues oflinguistic behaviour and moral conduct as a social practice. These include the formalism-functionalism debate within linguistics, and social psychology’s debate between the socialconstructionism and social representationism schools of thought. To me, one school’sperspectives can help “fill the gap” left by another.

This paper is divided into three sections. Section 2.0 discusses the importance of seeinglanguage and other social (notably moral) actions both as rules and representations. It discussesrules and representations, and briefly sketches the concept of intentionality. This helps to clarifythe characteristics of mental states which are then expressed in linguistic and moral behaviour.While noting that “behaviour” as a reflex or automatic action is commonly contrasted with“action” as a conscious, purposeful thought or deed, I find difficulty in distinguishing betweenextreme cases of these. In considering the misuse of language and issues of morality as bothbeing the products of deeply entrenched socialization, I will use the terms behaviour and actioninterchangeably. Section 3.0 briefly discusses issues of habits and misbehavior. Section 4.0discusses issues of logic, consistency and accuracy in the use of some words and concepts bynative speakers of Indonesian, and is based on field research interviews (see Appendix). Section5.0 presents some implications of the issues discussed in this paper.

RULES, REPRESENTATIONS, AND INTENTIONALITY

Language and moral character can both be viewed as mental objects with semantic propertieswhich are socially produced. Within the social representational perspective, Gerard Duveen(Duveen and Lloyd 1990; Duveen and De Rosa 1992) proposes that these mental objects evolvethrough three different genetic transformations: the ontogenetic levels which involve the

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psychological and cognitive aspects of the self; the microgenetic levels where actual interactionsoccur, and the sociogenetic levels of change where particular representations are diffusedthrough society. Duveen considers the microgenetic levels are the motor for genetictransformation of social representations. Duveen’s framework helps us understand how our I-language and I-morality are represented in social context.

Language is a system of symbolic representation of a mental state which is sociallyand/or environmentally constituted. Cognitive and psychological determinants of an individual’scharacter (identity) are implicated in its production. Self-evidently, language cannot be uniqueto an individual. If it were, there could be no common language and no communication.Likewise, the values related to human social conduct are not unique to individuals. People’sbehaviour and morality are relative to the prevailing social environment. Moral character is thussocially constituted (represented), and linguistic and moral actions are intersubjective ratherthan subjective.

Both language and human moral behavior have underlying rules which govern thenormative and non-normative. In using a language, we need to follow certain principles andparameters in order to make ourselves understood. Some of these are universal, for example thethree “modal” categories of “obligatory”, “permissible” and “forbidden”. In English these areexpressed as must, may, must not; in Latin as debitum, elicitum, interdictum; in Indonesian aswajib, mubah, haram and so on (Bybee & Fleischman 1995). Similarly there are universalstandards, such as honesty, fairness, politeness and responsibility that we should uphold, andrules against killing, cheating, lying and doing harm. All of these can be referred to as human‘moral grammar’.

A standard language can contain non-standard dialects, and an individual within alanguage or dialect may have a unique way of using it, or an ideolect. Whether a personcommunicates using the standard language, a dialect or a personal ideolect is situationallydetermined. Similarly there are moral “languages’, dialects and idiolects, and a person’s choiceof moral behaviour is often dependent on situational clues (Doris 2002, Ross & Nisbett 1991,Mischel 1968, Fletcher 1966). Doris (2002) notes that behavioral differences are due less todispositional differences than to situational ones. People act similarly in similar situations, to agreat extent without the consistency required for trait attribution. Despite this, it is mycontention that people need to observe certain universal and local rules so that society canfunction well. Without this guidance people can manipulate the environment to justify changingtheir behavior, and others may be subjected to such manipulation. Virtues are like rules oflanguage that regulate individual and group conduct. In expressing ourselves by using languageas well as involving ourselves in other social actions, we cannot claim that we have aninalienable right to our own virtues or that our virtues are always as good as anyone else’s.

Apart from rules and representations, we should note that linguistic and social actioninvolves ‘intentionality’, namely the power of our minds being directed towards somemeaningful target. Our linguistic expressions show how logical, systematic, consistent andaccurate our beliefs or propositions are. Similarly, people’s behavior can be consistent, rigorous,appropriate and meticulous, responsible, or otherwise. The durability of these qualities can bereferred to as moral character. For example, the statement “The political elite should not beprosecuted for the sake of saving face” demonstrates a mental representation that face-saving ismore important than punishing a politician who has committed a crime. How logical, accurate,responsible and appropriate the statement is can be evaluated in terms of justice (and otherrelevant criteria). Thus, a person’s mental representation can serve as a reliable indicator ofwhat that person will do. To a great extent, the character of our mental state can be reduced to akind of intentional content.

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HABITS AND SOCIAL ACTIONS

Behaviourists suggest that inappropriate communication or action stems from a mismatch ordistortion of stimuli (observable inputs) and responses (observable outputs). In its application tolanguage learning this can result in “error”, caused by incomplete mastery of the language’srules, or by “mistakes” due to (for example) boredom, fatigue, or carelessness. Cognitivists, onthe other hand, suggest that although people have the ability to relearn ideas, knowledge andskills, in fact many of them are content to continue practicing what they are accustomed to(Tomasello 1999). We do not have direct access to “a singular, stable and fully knowableexternal reality. All of our understandings are contextually embedded, interpersonally forged,and necessarily limited” (Neimeyer 1993:1-2). We tend to go down the road we are used to. Wetake up and internalize what we consider “true”, and we perform and routinize this actionbecause it has proven to work. We either fail to recognize its flaws, or we consciously decidenot to correct them. This behaviour provides no possible feedback structure or error controlregulator.3 In the absence of self-reflexive questioning, the ‘garbage in and garbage out’processes are (re)produced as a “natural order of things”.

So far I have discussed some general issues concerning the close relationship betweenlinguistic actions and moral actions, and how the national language of Indonesia may becorrupted. Against this background, the following section looks at some specific examples oflinguistic corruption, and to the extent to which linguistic corruption reflects other socialmisbehavior.

LOGICAL, CONSISTENT, AND ACCURATE DIMENSIONS IN THE USE OFINDONESIAN

This section examines the extent to which some Indonesian people have logical, consistent andaccurate intuitions of their national language, as reflected by several everyday words orconcepts. For this purpose I conducted five brief interviews (about 45 minutes each) with tenpeople. I selected words for discussion that could elicit responses indicative not only of therespondents’ linguistic but also of their moral grammar. The five interviews were separatelyconducted in a very relaxed atmosphere between January 2011 and May 2011 in Jakarta,Bandung and Pontianak. For ethical issues, the respondent’s names are not given.

(1) Interview in Jakarta with two Bahasa Indonesia language teachers. One, a mother withtwo children, teaches at a primary school (Informant A), while the other teaches atsecondary school level (Informant B) and is a father with three children.

(2) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school leavers. One works at a bank, the otherone is a carpenter (Informant C and Informant D)

(3) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school students (Informant E and Informant F)(4) Interview in Pontianak with two undergraduate university students, one studying

forestry (Informant G) and the other studying economics (Informant H)(5) Interview in Bandung with a citizenship education lecturer (Informant I) and a secretary

with undergraduate degree in economics, working in a university, (Informant J)

To discuss logical reasoning in using Indonesian, the words I used as examples were:

· sosialisasi (derived from the the English “socialization”, with the Indonesian meaningof “to inform, to introduce”);

· lembaga pemasyarakatan (prison, jail), and· kurang mampu (literally “less able”, used to mean “poor”.2

In talking about issues of inconsistency, I used examples which violate normative collocationsby changing one part of the collocated cluster or “word package”. The collocations used were:

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· loncat tinggi (jump high),· lompat jauh (jump far), and· susah, sulit and sukar (words approximately meaning ‘difficult’ or ‘in a difficult state’

in English).

In discussing the issues of accuracy, I used the example of truncated compound words, alldenoting “a variety of” or “various”, as in

· berbagai (-bagai),· beragam (-ragam), and· bermacam (-macam).

The use of these words has rarely been contested in Indonesian language studies circles.The official dictionary (Kamus Bahasa Indonesia) produced by the state-owned LanguageCenter (Pusat Bahasa) suggests several meanings for them, however it seems that careful usersof the language should question how logically, consistently and accurately they are used ineveryday speech. It is necessary to give some ideas of what I mean by logical, consistent andaccurate as follows.

(a) By logical, I mean in agreement with the principles of logic or reasoning. A logicalthinking process strives to be free from such fallacies as making sweeping or hastygeneralizations and drawing irrelevant conclusions. Thus sufficient evidence andprudence is of high importance.

(b) By consistent, I mean a stable and systematic intuition. A person’s character isconsistent if that person possesses a behavioural trait which is uniformly manifest in awide variety of conditions.

(c) By accurate, I mean free from error or mistake; exhibiting correctness, exactness orcloseness to fact or truth, often resulting from the exercise of painstaking care or duediligence. Accuracy implies conformity to a standard or model or a true value. Itdepends on the how the data is collected, and is usually judged by comparing severalmeasurements from different sources.

Using Cognates and Euphemisms

(a) The interviews with informants A, B, C, D, I and J showed that they consideredsosialisasi (socialization) to have one meaning only, namely “to introduce” or “toinform”. The informants seem were unfamiliar with the original meaning of sosialisasi(socialization) derived from sociology (notably symbolic-interactionism). In sociology,socialization (also known as enculturation in anthropology) is the process by which anindividual (especially a child) acquires the knowledge and personality needed tobecome a full member of a society. In this context, socialization is seen not assomething external to the individual self, but internal, in which the individual is shapedby social interactions with his or her parents and other people (significant others). Inthis context, sosialisasi is a “false friend” of socialization in English.

(b) Informants E and F considered lembaga pemasyarakatan (LP) or lapas as synonymouswith prison or jail. However when they were prompted to consider the meaning ofmasyarakat (society), they doubted whether lembaga pemasyarakatan makes sense inrelation to “rehabilitating” a criminal. Prison is a place where convicted criminals areconfined as punishment. Their confinement is an effort to make them aware of thecrimes in the hope that they will not repeat them. A “society” is a large group of peoplesharing the same customs, laws and social institutions, and can also denote anorganization, a community or a social class. In society there are many non-criminals andundetected criminals, but the conditions in a free society are very different from aprison. If a prison is an institution for socialization, we may ask if it can prepare

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criminals to join (for example) the Linguistic Society of Indonesia (MasyarakatLinguistik Indonesia). Thus, as a euphemism for prison or jail, lembagapemasyarakatan is illogical. Although a prison is a social institution, it is inaccurate toassume that a prison is a socializing institution.

(c) The interviews with informants G and H showed that they assumed kurang mampu(literally “less able”) to be the same as “poor”. But when they reflected that “poor”means having little money or few material possession, while kurang mampu refers to“having less capacity or ability”, they realized that kurang mampu is an inaccurate andillogical euphemism for poor. In Indonesian, another meaning of poor (miskin) is “tolack something”, as in Dia miskin pengalaman dalam menyanyi di depan umum (Shelacks the experience of singing in public). Conversely, in Indonesian mampu denotespossessing the skills or knowledge required to do something, as in Ina mampumengangkat koper 20 kg (Ina is able to lift a 20 kg suitcase). One synonym of mampu inthis sense is sanggup – to be able to or capable of doing something.

Shortening and Blending Words

(d) Informants A, B, I and J preferred to use berbagai, instead of berbagai-bagai; beragam,instead of beragam-ragam and bermacam, instead of bermacam-macam. They alsoconsidered berbagai-macam is an acceptable form. Although they understood that thecorrect expressions are the reduplicated forms, they considered that shortening andblending them is unproblematic. Of course, this is a violation of Indonesian grammar,where bagai, ragam and macam are all bound morphemes that cannot stand alone. Thereduplicated forms are the correct ones.

Changing Words: Collocation or Diction?

(e) Data from the interviews with informants A, B, C and D showed their inclination to usesusah, sulit and sukar interchangeably. All these words denote “difficult” or “in adifficult state”. Initially they treated the three words as synonymous andinterchangeable, depending on personal whim. However once they were exposed tocontexts where these three words may or may not be used, they realized that they coulduse them in a more systematic (accurate and consistent) way without reducing andpossibly enhancing “communicative values”. Thus, susah tends to refer to emotion, sulitrefers to problematic situations or conditions, and sukar refers to reasoning, such assolving mathematical problems. For example, one cannot say *Hati gadis itu lagi sukar(or *Hati gadis itu lagi sulit), but Hati gadis itu lagi susah (The girl’s heart is aching).

(f) On first enquiry, informants A and B considered loncat and lompat to be synonymous.Both words mean “jump”. In subsequent discussion they realized that it is possible touse the two words in a more systematic way. The word loncat properly refers to themovement of one’s body to a vertical direction, while lompat refers to horizontalmovement. Thus, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh (jump high and jump far), and loncat kebawah and lompat ke depan (jump down and jump forward). In English both loncat andlompat can only be translated as to “jump” (upwards, downwards, forwards andbackwards). In Indonesian, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh are respectively the athleticevents of high jump and long jump. In Indonesian, jauh cannot be collocated withloncat (*loncat jauh) and tinggi cannot be collocated with lompat (*lompat tinggi).

LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION AS TAKEN FOR GRANTED AND UNRESISTEDKNOWLEDGE

The foregoing discussion reveals that Indonesian is corrupted at least in three ways: 1) thetendency to use words which do not make sense, hence illogical language; 2) the tendency to

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use words which do not follow the grammar, hence inconsistent language, and 3) the tendencyto use words using one’s own rules, hence inaccurate or improper or unacceptable language.One striking phenomenon is that most Indonesians tend to undervalue accuracy or precision,consistency and logical reasoning in using their national language. They accept error easily, andseldom think and reflect on the language that they use, particularly new words. Language is buta means of communication to achieve some specific goals. If the goals are achieved, they do notconsider inappropriate and incorrect expressions as problematic. Such perceptions and practicesmake it difficult to develop a culture that encourages systematic, logical and communicative useof language.

Many Indonesian people tend take incorrect expressions for granted, and accept them as“natural things”. There is lack of negotiated representation and creative effort to resist thedominant forces in language use. People tend to uncritically internalize and perpetuate the formsof thought, feelings and other social practices received from and shaped by the world view ofdominant groups. As a result, linguistic corruption at elite levels becomes linguistic corruptionin the everyday life of the common people.

Linguistic corruption which is not politically motivated appears to be the unthinking,unconsidered use of language in a way which, if we reflected on it, we would know is incorrect,but which we use anyway. This happens because not all our knowledge and socialrepresentation is stored in our brains. Our social knowledge is located in social or public space(Harre 1981). More disturbingly, language corruption has implications for the values, beliefsystems and social practices of many Indonesians. It goes beyond an attitude of indifference inresponse to uncertainty.

BLURRING THE BOUNDARIES

This short section is intended to link the issues discussed in the literature review with thoseexposed from the interviews. In this way we can see the relationship between languageproduction and moral behaviour by questioning why people prefer lapas to penjara? We can askwhy a criminal is more often diamankan (secured; safeguarded) than ditangkap (being seized orcaptured)? Possibly this is because these words blur the boundaries.

· Penjara is unequivocally a bad place to be – it is negative. Lapas, with its embeddedreference to masyarakat, is much more positive. We can relate to it without thinking ofprison bars, bad food and misery.

· Even sosialisasi is tainted. It is preferred to verbs meaning ‘to tell, inform, introduce’something that authority is going to do. Programs to mensosialisasikan something areoften a concealed directive from authority which will change something, and whichpeople might tend to resent or reject. Linking the directive with the word sosialimplicates the people, society, masyarakat in the process, and therefore makes it moreacceptable.

· The word tangkap (catch or seize, as in ditangkap polisi) is an assertive action verb. Noone wants it to happen to them. Aman is much softer, with connotations of being secure,safe. It blurs the boundary between the act of forcefully arresting a criminal, and theexpression of making people secure and safe.

For the criminal it does not matter if he is ditangkap or diamankan, or if he goes to a penjara ora lapas. But it does matter to us – we want to think the world is a nice place, so we soften (blur)its rough edges with evasive language.This might be harmless self deception, but taking it further, what is the real difference betweengratifikasi (reward) and suap (bribery). Whatever semantic games we play, in many cases theyare both essentially the same thing. The only difference is that suap happens before the action itpays for, while gratifikasi comes after it. The effect on the recipient’s bank account is exactlythe same, and they are both immoral. They are very often “informal” payments to secure

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benefit. The flow-on effect of preferring lapas and diamankan is that we can accept the wordgratifikasi and not question its morality. Using it blurs the edges of the concept of bribery, and(unless we really think about it) makes it seem morally acceptable. Verbal slippage (e.g. penjarato lapas) extends to moral slippage – we can justify acts that violate morality by giving them afuzzy name.

This is only an extension of standard New Order diction – not usurping power fromSukarno but Supersemar – with its clear reference to the likeable Javanese wayang kulitcharacter. Or Gestapu, linking the PKI (Indonesia Communist Party) with the savagery of theGerman Gestapo. Or, the State sponsored killing of half a million people allegedly “directly orindirectly” involved in the 1965 attempted ‘coup’. But, do not call it the massacre of the PKI – itwas only a pembubaran (disbanding) which sounds much nicer. It eases our collectiveconscience and prevents us from reflecting on the morality of the act.

Once we accept the principle that the unpleasant can be rendered inoffensive by givingit an inoffensive name, we open the doors for unacceptable moral behaviour to be madeacceptable – or at least for its moral status to be made uncertain. When these words becomeembedded in the popular dialect, they are the first words we think of. If we are non-critical, theyare the words we will use. This is precisely what George Orwell (1946: 1-8) argued some sevendecades ago. Following his reference to slovenly language and foolish thoughts (cited above),he observed:

When you think of a concrete object, you think wordlessly, and then, if youwant to describe the thing you have been visualizing you probably hunt aboutuntil you find the exact words that seem to fit it. When you think of somethingabstract you are more inclined to use words from the start, and unless youmake a conscious effort to prevent it, the existing dialect will come rushing inand do the job for you, at the expense of blurring or even changing yourmeaning.

A dialect which corrupts language by ameliorating the unpalatable can make it easier for us touncritically accept the immoral.

IMPLICATIONS

Research on the use and misuse of Indonesian can help us to understand the problems of moralbehavior that have afflicted some of the people of Indonesia. Our identity is a social product inthe dynamic interaction of our consciousness and capacity for knowledge on one hand, and ourphysical and social environment on the other. According to Breakwell, in the construction ofself, “identity is being internalized and in turn provides infrastructure for meaning-makingwhich is continuously stable” (Breakwell 2010: 6.1).

In view of the foregoing discussion, and with the possibility of making a contribution tothe future of language study in Indonesia, there seems to be a need to explore issues of languageand morality that extend the existing literature of discourse analysis in the country. It isnecessary to look at the extent to which collective misuse of language suggests the possibility ofcollectively social misbehavior in the society.3 If the misuse of language can be seen as relatedto social misbehavior, the topic of this paper and its arguments may offer some lessons toparents, language teachers and educators, particularly in Indonesia: a correct and appropriate useof language should serve as a role model for our young generations, because it contributes toclearer thought and better moral character.

My argument is that moral grammar has a complex set of rules, principles and conceptswhich generate a person’s mental representation, and that this may enable that person “todetermine the deontic status of an infinite variety of acts and omissions” (Mikhail 2007:144).However, some of its predetermined core properties are “innate”, and must be triggered andshaped by appropriate experience. As Chomsky (2000) maintains, with their linguistic

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competence, normal children must be prepared to acquire language which reflects theirlinguistic environment. A child brought up in Italy acquires a version of Italian. The same childbrought up in China acquires a version of Chinese. Children do not need to learn the formalgrammar. They only need to set the parameters in relation to their environment.

Harman (2005) argues that if we look at how children acquire language by way of theirI-grammar, then the same children should acquire their moral standards through their I-morality.It should thus be unnecessary to purposely teach these moral standards unless there is a “povertyof the moral stimulus”. I argue that this poverty does in fact exist, and evidence for its existencecan be found in the corruption of the national language and corresponding poverty in nationalpatterns of everyday morality. Hence it seems that greater exposure to formal moral instructionmay be necessary in the interests of broad “national advancement”.

NOTE1 In recent years, many scholars tend to use “identity”, rather than “character” in social theory. While

character is considered to be relatively stable, permanent and internal to a person, identity is seen asfluid and socially constructed. For the purpose of this paper, “character” and “identity”, along with“moral character” and “social identity” will be adopted and used interchangeably where possible.“Moral character”, “moral behavior”, and “morality” will be also used interchangeably because thefocus of this paper is on the language in use (social context).

2 I am indebted to David Henton, who first made me aware of the problems of sosialisasi, lembagapemasyarakatan and kurang mampu. Insofar as the issues of linguistic corruption in Indonesian areconcerned, we have some common interests. However, he may disagree with the ways I deal with theissues.

3 I am aware of the distinction made between Durhkemian “collective representations” andMoscovician “social representations”. I will not enter the debates in this paper. Durkhemian“collective conscience” refers to the shared beliefs and moral attitudes that give cohesion to a society.This sort of “mechanical solidarity’ is important in simple societies, but this integrating principle isless important in complex-modern societies where the advanced division of labor creates inter-dependency (organic solidarity). To me, the focus of the Durkhemian method is on social rather thanpsychological facts.

* I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and formuch earlier version

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Searle, J. 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

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Tomasello, M. 1999. The Cultural Origins of Human Cognition. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press.

Van Dijk, T. A. 1993. Elite Discourse and Racism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Van Dijk, T.A. (ed.) 1997. Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction. (Vol 2:

Discourse as Social Interaction). London: Sage.

Van Leeuwen, T. 2005. Introduction to Social Semiotics. London: Routledge.

Wodak, R. (ed) 1997. Gender and Discourse. London: Sage.

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APPENDIX

Excerpt of Interview 1

Researcher: Have you, sir and madam, ever used (the word) sosialisasi?

Informant A: Yes. Sosialisasi. Often. Often use.

Informant B: Of, course. Often. From sosial with inflection, becoming sosialisasi. It canbe mensosialisasikan or disosialisasikan.

Researcher In your opinion, sir and madam, actually, what does sosialisasi mean?Perhaps, you can give an example in a sentence?

Informant A: Sosialisasi means. Introducing something to public.

Informant B: Yes. To the community. So that people know about it, something from thegovernment. Such as gas-cylinder or law.

Researcher: So, mensosialisasikan means to inform to public?Why not use memperkenalkan (introducing) or diperkenalkan (to beintroduced to), instead?

Informant B: Yes. Correct. For example … the government mensosialisasikan(introduce) laws so that people know. The word sosial (social) fits wellfor society.

Informant A: Exactly. Probably, usually it does not incur any charge. If the governmentmensosialisasikan (introduce) something, they do not charge. The 3kilogram cylinder gas is distributed free. This is just an example.

Researcher: Any other meanings? Have you ever looked up in a dictionary?

Informant A: Yes. I think I have ever done so. But, I cannot remember it well. But, thecommon (meaning) of sosialisasi in that one (I mentioned before).

Informant B: Yes. The common meaning is that one. Menosialisasikan (introducing)gas cylinder. Mensosialisasikan (introducing) rules …laws.

Researcher: Can children be disosialisasikan (socialized )?

Informant A: Mensosialisasikan (socializing) children? I don’t think so.You mean. Children are diperkenalkan (introduced) to public?

Informant B: It can be if the children are being popularized. Such as becoming acelebrity.

Informant A: Generally, it’s a thing or a law that is socialized…

Researcher: Let’s talk about something else. What about loncat (jump) and lompat(jump)? Are they different?

Informant A: It seems synonymous. Loncat jauh (jump high)is the same as lompat jauh(jump far)

Researcher: What about loncat tinggi (jump high)? Can we say lompat tinggi (jumphigh)?

Informant A: Yes, it’s uncommon. I seldom hear (people say) lompat tinggi. It seems …never. May be, (we) cannot say it like that.

Informant B: Melompat-lompat (to jump repeatedly) is the same as meloncat-loncat (tojump repeatedly)

Researcher: Frog meloncat (jump) or melompat (jump)?

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Informant A: Usually melompat.

Researcher: If we say loncat refers to a vertical direction and lompat refers to ahorizontal direction?

Informant B: Correct. It seems better. Systematic.

Informant A: It’s strange. I think up to now it has never been discussed. It seems (themeanings) are the same. Synonymous. The are interchangeable, butvertical and horizontal is also possible. It’s better.

Researcher: What about susah, sukar and sulit (all refer to’ difficult’ state)’?

Informant B: Usually, they can be interchangeable. For example, sukar to find a job.Susah or sulit to find a job.

Informant A: Yes. Quite similar. Only that, if her heart is susah[referring to ‘sad’ oremotional state], it cannot be changed to her heart is sulit or sukar.

Researcher: If someone claims that susah refers to emotion, sukar refers to reasoning[such as soving mathematical problems] and sulit refers to problematicalsituation? Aren’t they more systematic? Consistent?

Informant B: Yes. .. clearer. But, people tend to use them interchangeably. Indictionary, it seems no explanation (about it).

Informant A: It depends on the people … There are some people who like using susahall of the time. There are people who like using sulit. It depends on thecontext too.

Informan B: But, it’s better if they are systematized. The problem is that whetherpeople will follow (are happy to accept this classification).

Researcher: What about beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai?

Informan A: What do you mean?

Researcher: Isn’t ragam (variety) a bound morphem? ‘Also, bagai ( variety)? If wereduplicate them, they will become beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai.Like macam, becomes bermacam-macam (a variety of).

Informant A: But, beragam is already common.

Researcher: Isn’t it being cut short? Incomplete?

Informant A: Yes. Its’ true.

Informan B: Usually, it’s berbagai. Berbagai-bagai doen’t sound good. It’s just moreformal.

Informan A: Yes. berbagai-bagai sounds awkward. Beragam-ragam too.

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Excerpt of Interview 2

Researcher: Do you know the meaning of sosialisasi? Can you exemplify in asentence?

Informant C: Already heard (so many times). Mensosialisasikan (socializing) the use ofnew uniform.

Informant D: Mensosialisasikan means introducing (something) to those who haven’tknown. Such as from the government… mensosialisasikan something.

Researcher: Have you ever heard a sentence ‘Children socialize themselves with theirenvironment?’

Informant C: It seems not yet. Can it be like that? But, it seems possible. Bersosialisasi.Yes … something like get together. With friend.

Informant D: Not like that. Sosialisasi means becoming social. There are someawareness (concern). Such as social concern.

Informant C: Yes… Yes…Correct…correct. It is possible.

Researcher: Do you often use susah, sulit or sukar when expressing something?

Informant C: It seems, if it is me ….(I) often use susah. Also, sulit, If sukar, (I) rarely(use it). It depends on … the situation.

Informan D: It seems that sulit is better. If (we) use susah, it seems it related tosomething bothersome.

Researcher: So, you more frequently use sulit than susah and sukar?

Informan D: Yes. Yes. More or less like that.

Informan C: Yes. It’s the same. But, I …(use) susah more frequently. Because, peoplealso like to use susah.

Researcher: Can you exemplify in a sentence … for susah and sulit?

Informan C: Oh… susah, I’m broke.

Informan D: To me …’ Don’t be susah-susah (bother) thinking about uncessary things.Better do something; … more or less like that.

Researcher: Can we say ‘His heart is susah (aching) because his girl friend has lefthim.’ And ‘His heart is sulit or sukar (aching) because his girl friend hasleft him?

Informan C & D: Of course. It is impossible.

Researcher: So, does the three (words) have the same meaning?

Informan C: Yes. I have just thought about it. If susah … seems to refer to emotion.

Researcher: What about sukar.

Informan D: Similar, but referring to problem. For example, a difficult problem.

Researcher: Okay, difficult problem. But, what about sukar?

Informan C: I don’t know. Confused.

Informan D: Mathematics. Usually it is mathematics we say sukar. But, it can be theother two. Depending on the speaker… whatever grabs him. Forexample, my legs are sukar to be moved. (I have difficulty to move mylegs)

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Excerpt of Interview 3

Researcher: What does LP stand for?

Informant E: Lembaga Pemasayarakatan. (Institution for socialization)

Informan F: Jail. Lapas is …prison (penjara), jail (bui).

Researcher: Does masyarakat ( people or society) outside the prison the same asmasyarakat (people or society) inside the prison?

Informan E & F: Different.

Informan E: A prison is for criminals.

Informan F: Masyarakat … like us.

Researcher: So, lapas is only for particular persons and not for masyarakat (people)like us who are free?

Informan F: Convicts. Law offenders. A corrupt person like […]

Researcher: But, in your opinion, why is it called lembaga pemasyarakatan? Aren’tthose in the prison part of the society?

Informan F: Yes. Memasyarakatkan (to socialize) bad people. Oh yes, but it seemsimpossible.

Informan E: Like a school. Bad people are placed in the prison. If they are released,they can be accepted by their society. Already smart. Will never think ofcommiting crimes again.

Informan F: Well … you must be wrong. How can they become smart. There are a lotof smart people are jailed. Those who are not guilty are also sentenced tojail.

Informan E: Wait a second. Smart means they have been brainwashed. Not going tocommit a crime. Those who used drugs are also sent to jail, but they arenot criminals. They are just ‘self-destructive’. Their families become sad,something like that.

Researcher: But, you said that masyarakat is for good people. Jail is for bad people?Why is jail called masyarakat (society or people)? Why not a place forrehabilitating law offenders? And, not LP.

Informant E: Probably, it is just too long?

Informan F: I have no ideas. LP is LP. Jail. Continuously (people are) being watched.

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Excerpt of Interview 4

Reseacher: Have you ever heard th word kurang mampu?

Informant G & H: Yes.

Researcher: Do you know the meaning?

Informan G: Isn’t it the same as miskin (poor)… orang miskin (poor people)?

Informan H: Orang miskin (poor people; the poor) is usually called orang kurangmampu (less able people).

Researcher: Is it correct that miskin (poor) the same as kurang mampu (less able)? Ifkurang mampu (less able), what is the measurement? Miskin (poor?)

Informan G: Difficult to measure. But, miskin means (that one) has no money, isn’t it?

Reseacher: Is kurang mampu (less able) means the same as have no money? Are yousure have no money?

Informan G: Yes, sure, there is … but just a little.

Informan H: Yes. Kurang mampu means having a little money. Treasure. Miskin, wehave to beg to other people.

Researcher: But, why they are treated as synonymous.

Informant G: I have no idea. I just follow what other say.

Informan H: I don’t know too. We learned from our teachers. Our teachers learnedfrom their teachers.

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Exceprt of Interview 5

Researcher: Can you make a sentence using sosialisasi, madam?

Informan I: Sosialisasi? The university is going to mensosialisasikan (introduce) aregulation that forbids smoking in the campus.

Researcher: What is disosialisasikan (being introduced) and who is disosialisasikan(being introduced)?

Informan I : Of course, the regulation.

Researcher: Isn’t the people? University students and staf … and visitors?

Informan I: The forbidding regulation which is disosialisasikan (introduced).

Informan J: Yes… being introduced as regulation. Like the government thatmensosialisasikan (introduce) the wearing of helmet.

Researcher: If I say ‘children are bersosialisasi or disosialisasikan (socializethemselves with or being socialized into) their environment’, what do yousay?

Informan I: Isn’t environment that is being socialized to the children?

Informan J: Something like that.

Researcher: All right. Have you, sir and madam, ever used bermacam-macam (avariety of or various).

Informan I: Yes. Frequently. To shop bermacam-macam ( a variety of) things.

Informan J: Yes. Correct.

Researcher: What about berbagai (a variety of), can it be berbagai-bagai. Forexample, berbagai-bagai (a variety of) things?

Informan I: I think it is not common. No one ever use berbagai-bagai. If it is berbagai,yes … berbagai cara ( various ways), berbagai kendaraan (a variety ofvehicles).

Informan J: Yeah.. berbagai orang (various people), berbagai makanan (various(types) of food). Sometimes, berbagai-macam (various types of food).

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 185 - 199 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

LOOKING AT LINGUISTIC CHALLENGESIN SCIENCE CLASSROOMS

Pramela Krish Mastura OthmanUniversiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Institut Perguruan Perempuan Melayu Melaka

[email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

The sudden switch to teaching Mathematics and Science in English in primary andsecondary schools drew varied reactions from educationists, social activists, politiciansand parents. Science and Mathematics teachers who were trained and have taught thesetwo subjects in Bahasa Malaysia (BM) for a long period were forced to teach the contentsubjects in English. This paper reports an ethnographic investigation carried out in theScience classrooms in a rural secondary school in Malaysia. The qualitative data fromobservations, interviews and reflective journals were analysed using the ethnography ofcommunication framework. The findings revealed that the linguistic challenges faced bythese teachers while delivering the Science lessons and it portrayed the reality of theMalaysian Science teachers and the education system to some extent.

Key words: Teaching Science, linguistic challenges, ethnography of communication

Perubahan tiba-tiba untuk mengajar Matematika dan Sains dalam bahasa Inggris disekolah dasar dan menengah menarik reaksi bervariasi dari pendidik, aktivis sosial,politisi dan orang tua. Sains dan guru Matematika yang dilatih dan telah mengajar duamata pelajaran dalam Bahasa Malaysia (BM) untuk jangka waktu lama dipaksa untukmengajarkan mata pelajaran konten dalam bahasa Inggris. Makalah ini laporaninvestigasi etnografis yang dilakukan di kelas Sains di sekolah menengah pedesaan diMalaysia. Data kualitatif dari pengamatan, wawancara dan jurnal reflektif dianalisismenggunakan kerangka etnografi komunikasi. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tantanganyang dihadapi oleh linguistik guru sementara memberikan pelajaran Sains danmenggambarkan realitas guru Sains Malaysia dan sistem pendidikan untuk batastertentu.

Kata kunci: Ilmu Pengajaran, tantangan linguistik, etnografi komunikasi

INTRODUCTION

The abrupt change in the teaching of Mathematics and Science in English policy in the year2003 brought many hurdles not only to the students and parents but teachers. The mainstreamteaching and learning processes in the education system are done in the national languageBahasa Malaysia (BM) but the teaching of Mathematics and Science was carried out in thesecond language (English). This move was seen necessary in order to meet and compete withthe global needs and demands. On the contrary, the teaching and learning of Science in Englishbecame very difficult to most teachers and learners who faced linguistic challenges. Theprofessional task was forced on these teachers without sufficient training in enhancing theirproficiency in the second language. This paper reports the study undertaken on the Scienceteachers.

The Science curriculum was designed to provide students with the knowledge and skillsin science and develop thinking skills and strategies to enable them to solve problems and makedecisions in their everyday life (Ministry of Education Malaysia, 2002). The Science andMathematics curriculum as well as other subjects in the secondary school curriculum also seekto inculcate noble values and love for the nation. However, Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan(2007) identified two pedagogical limitations: Changes are needed in science and mathematics

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teaching. Teachers should place less emphasis on students’ acquisition of information,presenting scientific and mathematical knowledge through lecture, asking for recitation ofacquired knowledge and working alone. More emphasis should be placed on studentsunderstanding of a particular concept, guiding students in active learning, providingopportunities for discussion and elaboration and encouraging them to work with peers andteachers. According to Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan (2007), the government’s recentpolicy on the use of English as the medium of instruction in science and mathematics wouldprovide students the opportunities to keep abreast with the rapid development of knowledge inscience, mathematics and technology.

Merino and Scarcella (2005) believe that teaching Science and other academic subjectsin English language to learners is both a challenge and an opportunity, especially at thesecondary level. In the case of Science subjects, this means students have to master challengingScience standards while learning the language of Science. Through observations, Science andEnglish were not favoured by most learners in schools. Therefore, the change in the policy wasseen as ambitious and unacceptable to this group of teachers and learners.

To overcome this situation, the ministry provided the continuous support programme atthe school level. The Buddy Support Programme stressed on a collaborative effort betweenMathematics and Science teachers with their language counterparts. Competent English teacherswere appointed as ‘Critical Friends’ to science and mathematics teachers in schools. Theteachers were also supplied with self-instructional materials to facilitate their own learning(Ahmad Zabidi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md. Saad, 2007). Ong and Tan (2008) in theirresearch on the same issue, found out that teachers’ prior educational background, the linguisticenvironment, peer support and the students’ linguistic proficiency affected the pace of transitionto the new policy. This warranted a study find on two important issues. Firstly, how did theScience teachers deliver their lessons? Secondly, how did the Science teachers perceive theteaching of Science in English?

The Hymes (1970) SPEAKING Grid was employed as a valuable framework indescribing communicative events for a group whose cultural or social norms are not of those ofthe majority group (Holmes, 2008:398).

Holmes (2008:437) also clarifies that the ethnography of speaking framework alsoprovides a means of describing communicative events in any culture. In the schoolenvironments, rules are sometimes made explicit as who may talk, in what order, about whattopics and for how long. Thus this framework becomes appropriate as the investigation focusedlargely on the communication activities in Science classrooms in the secondary school setting.

THE SCIENCE CLASSROOM

Kauffman, et al. (2006:82) comment the language used in the classroom as:

The language of the classroom is, for most students, substantially different fromthe language of the home, the peer group, and the streets. It is typically moreformal, more precise, and more directive than the conversational speech used bymost students outside the classroom.

In this context, Science teachers should be the role models for their students in handling thechallenge of switching to another language in fulfilling their teaching tasks. Teachers ought tobe more positive towards any paradigm shift in the academic world (Mastura Othman andPramela, 2011) as a positive reaction would surely contribute to the credibility and quality forthe teachers’ immediate customers. However, due to the linguistic deficiency, many of theScience teachers definitely experience great discomfort in delivering the subject. This isespecially true for teachers who have been trained in BM. Brown (1994:105) supported the factthat teacher’s delivery of knowledge was crucial since every ear and eyes are supposedly to

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focus on the teacher. To be an effective teacher, one must be knowledgeable in the subjecttaught and proficient in the language to deliver.

Nunan (1995:189) also emphasises that teacher talk is of crucial importance forclassroom organisation and the processes of acquisition. It is because through the language,teachers either succeed or fail to implement their teaching plans. Nunan also outlines the factorsto come into account in determining the appropriateness of a teacher talk as:

· The point in the lesson in which the talking occurs.· What prompts the teacher talk; whether it is planned or spontaneous, and if

spontaneous, whether the ensuing digression is helpful or not.· The value of the talk as potentially useful input for acquisition.

Therefore the effectiveness of a Science teacher’s talk in delivering his or her lessons very muchdepends on the competency in English.

A Science classroom is of a setting with its own genre, specific jargons andterminologies which are additional to the second language acquisition. The classroom as ‘coralgardens’ (Breen, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11) displays discourse between the learner and thelanguage, between the teacher and the learner, and among learners and is the process by whichwe create, relate, organise and realise meaning (Riley, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11).Therefore, to create a more interesting learning environment, teacher talk in English for theScience classrooms should provide the learners with familiar opportunities to connect thescientific knowledge that they are exposed to in the classrooms to as many events as possible intheir real lives.

Moreover, as natural as it can be, in speaking we seldom set a specific goal in thebeginning and it is normal if the goal occurrence is multiple within the discourse. In contrast,teachers’ talk in Science classrooms is often set up with specific learning outcomes to beachieved at the end of the lesson. The competent teachers’ talk in English to deliver the contentsubject input and classroom control will determine the effectiveness and how successful are theprocess of teaching and learning of Science. The skills involved in the teachers’ talk differ fromwriting as it is more practical, physical, instant and spontaneous. Furthermore, the tone, rhythm,stress and intonation that associate with the English language obviously differentiate it fromBM. The BM interlanguage influence also affected the accent and linguistic structures in theteachers’ talks.

In addition, teachers of Science ought to model proper pronunciation of the Englishlanguage sound system, grammatical structures and suitable vocabulary choice. However, inthis case whereby most of the Science teachers are also still in their attempt of mastering theEnglish language, the effectiveness in modelling the supposed pronunciation of the Englishlanguage to the learners is rather limited. The limitation is more than relevant as speaking is notonly about making sounds, but combining body language.

METHODOLOGY

In this ethnographic investigation (Mastura Othman, 2007) data was collected from classroomobservations, audio recorded classroom discourse, interviews with Science teachers: Teacher 1(T1) and Teacher 2 (T2) and two students: Student 1 (S1) and Student 2 (S2), and from journalentries from the Science teachers.

The observations were carried out during actual teaching by two female Scienceteachers in four selected classrooms. The observations checklist focused on the following items:

a. linguistic complexity (pronunciation, grammatical and structural,pragmatics)

b. sociolinguistics and sociocultural aspects (code-switching and mixing)c. teaching strategies/styles (questioning, repetition, instruction)

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d. teaching materials (genre, traditional chalk and talk, electronic media) ande. other relevant information

The teaching and learning processes in the science classrooms were also recorded andcarefully transcribed. The interviews with T1 and T2, regarding their perceptions towards theimplementation of the policy and interviews with the two students (S1 and S2) were alsocarefully transcribed to be analysed. The journal entry expressed T1’s feelings and expectationin fulfilling the task of teaching her subject in English while T2 refused.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

The investigation was analysed according to the Hymes SPEAKING grid (Schriffin 1994:141)which displays a description of all factors that are relevant in understanding how a particularcommunicative event achieves its objectives (Wardhaugh, 1986:239).

The Hymes SPEAKING grid analysis comprehensively described the investigation ofthe selected classrooms taught by T1 and T2. Both teachers were required to teach Science inEnglish without proper training and sufficient proficiency in the language. Both had differentviews on the implementation of the EteMS policy. The analysis was done according to theacronyms following Kramsch’s (1993: 37-38) explanation on Hymes SPEAKING grid whichwas introduced by Dell Hymes in the 1970’s:

S-Setting refers to the time and place - that is, the physical set up of the class. Placeincludes the space occupied by teacher and students; the movements of participants within thatspace; the seating arrangement; the temperature, background, noise, place, size, and quality ofthe blackboard, etc. Time includes the time devoted to each activity, its timing within the wholelesson, its relative length, its pace, and the presence or absence of concurrent activities.

All four classes were conducted in the science laboratories of a rural secondary schoolin Melaka. The setting and the seating arrangement was convenient for both teachers andstudents to enable them to carry out relevant experiments to the topics taught. The topics weretaught according to the syllabus for the year. In addition, the laboratories were well-equippedwith apparatus and chemicals for the scientific experiments.

The laboratories were also well equipped with computers, LCD projectors and widescreens. The equipment came from the budget of the Ministry of Education in supporting theimplementation of teaching of Mathematics and Science in English. Five 40 minutes periodswere allocated for Science subject in a week. Science experiments are best conducted in thescience laboratories. Double periods are always allocated for relevant experiments on the topictaught as to ensure sufficient time for successful experiments. T1 provided the opportunities forher students from both classes to be involved in the reaction of metal and oxygen experiments.T2 demonstrated the bell jar evaporation process experiment and requested her Class 4 studentsto observe.

P-Participants include combinations of speakers and listeners in various roles that areeither given to them or taken on during the lesson.

In the context of this investigation, the participants referred to T1 and T2. The classeswere mainly teacher centred as T1 and T2 did most of the talking and the students listened.Both teachers were qualified to teach Science, but were trained to teach Science in English onlyafter attending short courses conducted by the Ministry of Education to ensure theimplementation of the EteMS policy. Their English language proficiency of the teachers insome ways led to the limited roles played by both teachers. Even so, T1 tried her best to bemore open in providing a non-threatening environment in her lessons when she allowed roomfor jokes from one of her students.

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Voice 3: <42> [To avoid potassium manganate, jump out, from...

T1 <43> = [Jump out/, aha, aha, (giggle), to avoid potassium manganate, jump- out?, from the test tube/?, yes, or no/?

The monotonous lesson was livened up and T1 took a break from the lesson at least fora while and offered a stress free learning and teaching processes. Moreover, due to teachers’personalities and attitudes towards the English language, T1 was seen more optimistic aboutteaching of Science in English compared to T2. T1 was highly motivated and confident indelivering her lessons especially to the lower forms compared to T2 who often revised to teachScience in BM instead of attempting to improve her English.

This showed her reluctance in implementing the new policy. She even reserved hercomments on the policy implementation by not writing any journal entry of her opinion. Incontrary, T1 displayed positive attitude towards the EteMS policy. It was evident exhibited inthe first line of her unabridged journal entry to the investigator regarding the changing of policyin teaching Science and Mathematics;

...I prefer to teach science in English because of the following…

E-Ends refer to the purpose of the activities and what participants seek to accomplish.These can be short term learning goals i.e. the linguistic, cognitive, or affective outcomes of aparticular activity, or they can be long term goals such as motivations or attitudes or specificprofessional outcomes. Through observations, it was established that the short term goals ofboth teachers’ lessons in all four classrooms were to prepare the students for examinations, atschool and national levels. Due to the high expectation of the school authorities, district andstate education Department, the ministry and parents, examinations have always been theultimate goal. This is supported in the exchanges of T1 and T2:

T1: <015> before we start class/, right? We’re going to answer the- PMR model, PMRmodel question paper! So?- Before that-I would like to do revision with you!

T2: <020> Okay, so, I think eh, with the student, is important for you, to thinkyour aah, end year, eh, end year of exam, examination. So, eh, you canrefer your notes or your text, eh, you can refer your notes eh, or your text okay,find out the answer. Okay, question number one,

The importance of passing examinations at school or national levels were emphasised by bothT1 and T2.

T1: <126> remember, aa::, this question..., usually question number!, five, questionnumber five,

<127> <L1>Rugi tak jawab, this one is very simple question,

Via code-switching, T1 asserted that her students must give specific attention to numberquestion number five. “Rugi tak jawab” (It is a loss if you do not answer) carried a hugemessage in the examination context. T2 provided similar guidance for her students for thecoming examination;

T2: <063> for that answer okay, you must make ahh explanation, they want explanation, inMalay eh <L1>perkumuhan (excretion) is it?, okay, okay so during this process,Chong!, eh you have?, what is eh, what is the substance ending during thisprocess?,

Neither students nor the teachers were to be blamed. Both parties were playing their specificroles to fulfil the hidden agenda of the education stakeholders to ensure every student to pass the

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examinations. Mission was accomplished if the teachers were able to guide their students toanswer the examination questions correctly.

A-Act sequence refers both to the form and the content of utterances, both to what issaid and what is meant by the way it is said. The teachers’ talk was largely in the form ofdelivering and transforming information on the subject content. In this autocratic teacherdominant process of teaching and learning, all four classroom discourse was filled with moreTeacher Talking Time (TTT) than Student Talking Time (STT).Both teachers portrayed their dominance over the students to a certain extent in their talk. Thisis beneficial for classroom management and control as agreed by Ng (1993:6) that someone hasto have power to control the others regardless of the size of the organisation. Basically,Malaysian classrooms often have an enrolment of between 30 and 40 students.

K-Key refers to the tone, manner, or spirit in which a particular message is conveyed:whether serious, factual or playful. The key can be conveyed verbally and non-verbally and thetwo may sometimes contradict each other. The teachers in all four classrooms switched fromformal to informal approach.

T2: <101> okay question D, for the food chain (not clear) okay on figure three, whowants to try?

Voice: <102> who want to try?T2: <103> okay how many eh level eh in this food chain?Voices: <104> three…

When the students’ (S) opinions upon T2’s talk were sought, the responds were as follows:

S1: Uhm.. (pause)<L1> kelas ni sometimes boleh faham, kalau tak faham juga referreference book.[Sometimes I can follow this class, if not I have to refer to the reference book].

Q : Do you understand your teacher’s language?

S2: Yes, but sometimes the pronunciation-wrong, <L1>Dia guna bahasa yang senang nakajar [he uses simple language to teach].

It was rather difficult for the teachers to vary their styles in using the language as theythemselves were in the transitional period of changing the language of their teaching task.Therefore, there was not much interaction in their classrooms. The transactional languagefunction which was the ‘message-oriented’ and business type of talk was performed largely byT2, as Morley (2001:73) suggests:

Transactional language is used for giving instructions, explaining, describing,giving directions, ordering, inquiring, requesting, relating, checking on thecorrectness of details, and verifying understanding. The premium is onmessage clarity and precision. Speakers often use confirmation checks to makesure what they are saying is clear; they may even contradict the listener if he orshe appears to have misunderstood.

I-Instrumentalities refers to the choice of channel (e.g. oral or written) and of code(mother-tongue, foreign language, or a mix of codes or code-switching).

The teaching and learning activities were often of the oral and written forms.Instructions were given orally and in written forms for the experiments and reports to be done.As far as oral activities in the teacher talk were concerned, code switching and code mixingwere not properly managed but emerged in almost the entire lessons, especially T2 who waswith low English proficiency and less confidence in the language compared to T1. Often shecompletely switched to L1 when she wanted to explain further on how important it was for thestudents to keep notes for all the chapters taught.

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T2 : <182> but for the notes for the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, okay eh I’ve lookedat your notes until the chapter four is it? Chapter four eh, isn, nit?

<183> <L1> lepas tu tak tengok lagi, jadi, maknanya eh tolong lengkapkan eh, sebabapa eh, ini penting untuk objektif awak okay eh, saya percaya eh bila awaktulis itu satu cara belajar lah, bila awak menulis semula eh, cari perkataanperkataan penting penting okay eh, sebab bila awak menyalin, okay, macamterm term yang penting eh respiration, okay eh awak tulis ayat tu penuh okayeh, jadi bila awak ditanya eh aah definition okay awak kena keluarkan baliksemula benda tu, jadi kalau baru pertama kali tu nak tulis aah awak akandapat habislah tak boleh jawab, at least eh bila awak dah tulis sekali,dahbaca sekali okay perkataan tu akan datang balik, tunggang terbalik takpe,tunggang terbalik takpe, yang letak pangkal letak hujung, hujung letakpangkal pun takpe eh asalkan okay eh maksudnya sama eh, tapi kalau maksudnya dahberubah, aah [after that you won’t see it again, so, meaning eh,pleasecomplete eh, because it is important for your objective, I believe when youwrite, it is a method of studying when you rewrite, look for the key words okaybecause when you’re copying okay, like the important terms eh, respiration,okay eh you’ll write full sentence okay eh, so when you’re asked for thedefinition, you have to bring out everything, so if it is the first time for you towrite, you won’t be able to answer, if you write at least once, read once thewords will come back, although they are not in order as long as the meaningis not changed but if the meaning is changed aah]

Both teachers did not possess the sufficient linguistic proficiency required in their talk,the use of OHP, course wares, computer note-book and the LCD projector provided by theMinistry of Education were able to assist them in transmitting subject taught input to theirstudents. T2 even read directly from the text book in order to avoid further blunders in her talkwhich was full of unnecessary fillers like eh and okay. For example:

T2: <108> Amirah, Amirah, okay, so, py, the pyramid of number okay based on the foodchain?(pause)

<109> okay the pyramid number eh, okay eh, okay, eh (not clear) okay at the base ofthis pyramid, okay it is a producer, okay so when you ah draw this pyramid ofnumber, okay you must okay write on eh each stages,

N-Norms of interaction and interpretation refer to the way participants in the lessoninteract and interpret what is said or what they are reading. Overall, both teachers’ classesfollowed the norms of Malaysian classrooms; not interactive and encouraging enough topractise the speaking skills. The transcriptions of the investigated Science classrooms exhibitedthat the discourse were bound in the teacher centred teaching and learning processes. Thestudents were not provided ample opportunities in exchanging turns with their teachers toexpress themselves in the process.

T1 : <105> this is our heart, then, this one at the top, I draw for you the lungs,alright and at the bottom here the whole part of your body,

Voices: <106> body,T1: <107> okay, now with the help of our textbook, page twenty-one, look at

page twenty-one, okay, look at page twenty-one, right okay, listen, putdown your pen, put down your pen, listen here, focus!,

<108> how to explain the blood flow, ah, put down your pen, Wei Keong, (pause)right, so the blood flow here, eh the, the sorry, (teacher uses the diagram of

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<109> the body for explaining) path one, path one, you have twopath, path one and path two,

Voices: <110> two,T1:

Azri:

<111>

<112>

<113>

<114>

alright, from our right atrium here, okay, blood flow to the lung, tocarry the oxygenated blood, here, here, from heart to the lung, alright afterthat, from lung go back to the heart, from lung go back to the heart, right? this is first path or path one alright this is path one, where blood flow fromour, our right atrium to our lung, then from our lung/, back again to ourheart understand!, this is path one, (pause-teacher writing notes on thechalkboard)right, from (pause-teacher continues writing notes on the chalkboard) thisis path one, understand?, alright ah, Azri stand up, explain aboutthe flow of blood in path one, blood flow,blood flow, (not clear)

Furthermore, display type of questions (Long and Sato, 1983 in Crookes and Chaudron,2001:39) where the questioner already knew the answers were favoured by the teachers.Obviously, teachers were more interested in finding out whether their transfer of input was fullyunderstood by their students and no further action was expected from them. It is also a well-known fact that the Asian learners generally and specifically Malaysian learners have beenbrought up to respect the wisdom, knowledge and expertise of ‘authoritative’ figures like theirparents, teachers and lecturers (Koo, 2006:171).

In addition, code-switching and code-mixing were the options offered by and to bothteachers and students in the Science classrooms. Whether it was a beneficial speechaccommodation or face saving strategy, code switch and mix between English and BM are thenorms shared by both Science teachers. Therefore, to achieve the short term goal of utilisingEnglish as the medium of instruction in the Science classroom is greatly questionable.

G-Genre refers to the type of oral or written activity students and teacher are engagedin, casual conversation, drill, lecture, discussion, role-play; grammatical exercise, writtensummary, report, essay, written dialogue. The diagrams, pictures, vocabulary, terminologies andexperiments that come into the teachers’ talk portrayed a particular genre which directly definedthe Science classrooms. However, the classrooms were not in line with the skills needed forScience subject to search, select and decide correct information. This was due to the teachers’teaching styles in the talk that largely providing as much information as possible for theexamination. Students were not given sufficient opportunity to explore their own academic andpsychological potential develop into their human capital for the nation’s future.

HOW DO THE SCIENCE TEACHERS PERCEIVE THE TEACHING OF SCIENCEIN ENGLISH?

Due to many factors, teachers had different perceptions on the implementation of the EteMSpolicy. Teachers’ personal ability and attitudes on the language determined the way in whichthey translated the particular policy into their teaching tasks. T1’s positive attitude towards theEteMS policy was clearly portrayed in her unabridged journal entry. Her willingness in writingup the dedication represented how opened she was in implementing the policy. She was everready to shift from her normal teaching paradigm and ventured into a new dimension offulfilling her teaching task. She realised that she was not optimally utilising her linguisticpotential. Therefore, teaching Science in English was the best opportunity for her professionalself improvement and developed to benefit her students;

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T1 (T1)It can improve my English. It has been long time for me not communicate

in English (since 1981-after SPM)... our students should expose to English, if they need to do further study at

overseas, especially in the field of medic and engineering.After use English for a few months, I feel more brave (confident) to

communicate in English although sometimes not so correct (broken English).But a few months later I able to convey science lesson fluently in simple Englishand I know my students can understand me.

....as a science teacher I have my own principal (prinsip), i.e. “I amteaching science in English, I’m not English teacher”. As long as my students’can understand the content of science lesson

In fact over time, T1 gained her confidence to perform in the second language. She wanted tobe the best role model to her immediate clients by collaboratively working with them to achieveexcellence both in the language and the subject taught. She did not want the students’ negativeattitudes towards the English language to hinder the effectiveness of the teaching and learningprocesses in the Science subject;

the most problematic area, ah, in teaching Science in English, ah the attitude of students,attitude of students they are quite difficult to change the attitude, to overcome the problem,ah to overcome the problem, with to use English in Sciencethat is the the problem, but, but, minority of students have confidence, to, to use English inclass, but majority of them ah, especially Malay students, they feel shy to speak English inclass, because, ah maybe, ah especially for form one students...

T1 was positive helping her students with the second language acquisition. She wasvery sure of what she was doing with the language in teaching her subject especially to thelower secondary (Form 1-3). She was convinced too that by preparing her lesson beforeentering the upper secondary classes (Forms 4-5); it helped her in mastering English language.She was extremely sure her students would improve their English language when they have tolearn Science in English.

T1 positively believed that she improved because the assistance of her Critical Friendsin the BSS programme. She was now confident with her pronunciation and how to teach herstudents to write reports on their experiments in the passive voice. She was optimist and everwilling to continue teaching Science in the English language. She was hundred percent sure thatteaching Science in English is easier. To her, English offers better vocabulary andterminologies to her subject compared to BM. All in all, T1 said “Yes” to the teaching ofScience in English.

T1: <52> I would like to chose, I prefer hundred percent English,Rs:T1:

<53><54>

why?,(distraction from school’s announcement made for the day)why?, because ah, easy to convey the lesson in English, because sometimesthey use the very accurate, accurate,

Rs: <55> terms?,T1: <56> terms,

Teacher 2 (T2)Regarding the implementation of the EteMS policy, the student complained to T2 for using toomuch BM instead of English. She was teaching the upper formers (Forms 4-5); therefore thestudents were more vocal and aware of the change in policy. As a result, T2 resorted to BMwhen she was not able to deliver in English.

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T2: <11> that’s why eh…, when I’m teaching, I’m trying to use English.

<12> but! When I want to talk eh…, out of the =[teaching],Rs: <13> =[Hmm hmm]T2: <14> out about the fact eh… I will use MalayRs: <15> okay, second question is, would you think that your teaching helps the second

language acquisition, meaning that a…, a…, second language acquisition, orthat is the learning of English

T2: <16> no, not at all (giggle)Rs: <17> not at all! why! Why would you think?T2: <18> because eh, the student eh, when aa…when asking the question (not sure),

<19> before this when they answer the question respiration, the the facts eh, that hasgiven respiration, in the process,

<20> the students a…, they asking to add some words, okay to make my sentencecomplete eh, but eh, the student eh, cannot hish,

<21> I think, I think eh, that girl eh, lost, may be she has the idea, the answer, ehshe, but to make sentence to answer the question, difficult,

<22> like me the facts I know eh, that respiration, okay resp, respiration, oxygen andglucose, glucose is added but in science, the word added, cannot be used,

<23> it is not added, it oxidized, so the terms, it’s the term aa…

<24> before this we use malay eh, this is usual use the word, but when we want tostart it okay, this is the first year, so this word eh, must be call for the,

<25> we must call the word very fast in our mind very, [very difficult]

On the other hand, T2 admitted that teaching Science in English will improve her owncommand of the language. She thought she was braver and able to overcome her shyness, forexample in giving instructions to her students. However she believed that did not benefit herstudents.

Rs: <27> Do you think that, teaching Science in English is helping your own Englishlanguage acquisition?

T2: <28> (giggle) my, I think, yes, it makes me more brave, (giggle)Rs: <29> okay make you braver, in what way?T2: <30> okay, to talk the simple simple instruction, I think I,

<31> now can talk eh, simple simple instruction to the student, but not before,I feel very shy to talk in English,

Rs: <31> not now! Oh that’s good. Do you feel that your student benefit from yourteaching of Science in English?

T2: <32> no!Rs: <33> why not?T2: <34> not, because, cannot, maybe, maybe they don’t read at home,

<35> the science is the subject you must know the, the, the, the, the, fact,<36> it must be cleared, okay you, you the student not do their own word, like

bahasa like BM, eh, buat ayat-ayat, ayat biasa, ayat merapu tu tak boleh, ayatmerapu eh, in science no marks,

T2 was of the thinking that her teaching of Science did not help her students and viceversa. She was positive that, the students would understand better if they did their own reading.Her bad pronunciation as she thought too has caused her students not to understand her talk inthe English language. T2 did not think that she should be blamed for not utilising the Englishlanguage when her students themselves did not do so.

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T2: no, no the student cannot learn anymore when I am teaching,that’s why when I am teaching I am read the text, refer to that and read it, Ithink eh, the student can understand more by reading the text himselfcompare to…because I think my pronunciation is very worse, (giggle) the student cannot,cannot, understand,that’s my opinion, I don’t know eh, what, what do you think? How mypronounsation, is it cleared?

T2 felt the burden of having to read repeatedly in order for her to prepare for her dailylessons and to improve her mastery in the English language. Even if she tried to enrich hervocabulary by reading newspapers, she was always confused over the terms. However, insteadof referring to the dictionary, she preferred to read the BM version of the topics to be taught.

aah…, right now I must read the text, this aah.., not two eh, okay three times,when I not complete the three times I am no confident,I must read eh, at least three times,

T2: <52><53>

the text, the reference, too much time for me,I must prepare one week before the lesson,no, at the same time I must read like the article eh, like the pollution eh,I must read the newspaper, I’m trying, I’m focus on the term, the terms,

T2 did not really agree that the BSS programme helped her in carrying out her talk inEnglish while teaching Science. She would like to reverse the process of teaching the Sciencesubject in BM. She prayed hard that the authorities would revert to teaching Science in BM. Ina nutshell, T2 indirectly putting a “No” to the implementation of the EteMS policy.

Language Challenges Faced by the Teachers

Both teachers were not trained to teach or possessed adequate knowledge in English. Hence,they faced several challenges.

Language Drills vs Content Input

The Science teachers have professionally taught the subject in BM for a significant number ofyears. Therefore, to instantly switch to another language in fulfilling their teaching task was notat all simple. The teachers realised what their students were going through with the change ofpolicy. As a result, instead of emphasising on the input of the subject content in her talk, T1drilled her students with the pronunciation of the scientific vocabulary, for example;

T1: <258> yes, number one, ah, okay read altogether, number one, because,Class: <259> because,T1: <260> blood flow,Class: <261> blood low,T1: <262> sorry, sorry, because,Class: <263> because,T1: <264> blood,Class: <265> blood,T1: <266> pass through,Class: <267> pass through,T1: <268> heart,Class: <269> heart,T1: <270> twice,Class: <271> twice,

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Teachers Talking Time vs Students Talking Time

Students and teachers of the investigated Science classrooms did not practice two wayinteractions. All classrooms talk were typically teacher centred. Teacher Talking Time (TTT)was longer than the Students Talking Time (STT). The teacher centredness was extremely clearin T2’s talk in Science Classroom 3. For example:

<043>okay, are you sure? If you cannot remember okay (pause) okay you can refer okay, you follow exam, okay, okay please remember okay, the definition the the meaning, eh for several terms okay eh, that is used eh okay, in that chapter, <044>okay, so for this chapter okay, the meaning of food chain, food web, pyramid number okay, composer okay you must remember, okay <L1> simpan dalam kepala (keep in mind) so the word okay in Malay, I think eh, maybe eh, you don’t have eh, you don’t eh facing this any problem okay, <045>right on terms and but in English okay you must remember word for the meaning (not clear), okay refer your text eh, one seven six okay, a sequence of organism okay, during energy transfer okay, refer okay for the food chain given in your text, the definition okay the system, (a student reading from the text book-not heard)Teacher 2: <046>yes, okay, the feeding relationship okay, between living organism eh, in the ecosystem okay, interruption between living organization okay? So, living organism consist of, plant and animal okay, okay, eh the food chain, between relationship between organism, <047>okay but at the same time in the ecosystem aa, the also eh you get a relationship between living organism and the nun-living organism, okay eh, so the nun-living organism we call eh, aa the are-biotic component (not clear-asking a student) define the wild, bio component, okay the component of are-biotic component?(Pause-10-)Teacher 2: <048>the biotic component is the living organism okay, so the are-biotic component in the nun-living okay, the nun-living okay, the nun-living okay, the figure 3, Ma, ri, ni, Mariani,Mariani: (not clear)Teacher 2: <049>humadity, yes, humadity, the amount of vapour in the atmosphere, okay Farhah,Farhah: (not heard)Teacher 2: <050>okay, light intensity, okay what else, Tong?Tong: (not clear)Teacher 2: (not clear-teacher writing on the board) <051>okay, continue okay, the food chain, okay what is the food chain, the (not clear) between the living organism and the ecosystem,(Teacher writes on the board)Teacher 2: <052>today is very important for your exam, I am trying to help you eh, to master your exam, (pause) okay eh, explain (not clear) okay eh the word explain, so the answer eh, <053>when you are answer explain, it is different okay, with the state eh, <L1>dinyatakan eh, so you must state eh, name okay eh, the way (not clear) two ways, Hidayah, name energy loss in the food chain (not clear)Hidayah: (not heard)

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Pronunciation, Vocabulary, and Structure

Due to the insufficient level of proficiency, both teachers’ talk was weak particularly in thepronunciation of English words, poor choice of vocabulary and grammatical structures. T2 inher talk was also confused over some of the terminologies like removal, removable, corrode,corrosion and corrosive. Consider T2’s choice of vocabulary in the following exchange:

T2: <146> Look at the land slide okay, when the okay aah trees okay in the forestbecome removal okay, the land okay, the ground okay eh, will be what?<L1>terdedah,(exposed) aah will be corrot, corrot, corrosion, corosive,<L1>ia akan dihakis (it will be washed away) okay by the rain okay,

T1:

T2:

<025>

<024>

artery carrying what type of blood?, we have two types of blood, last timewe’ve learn is it?okay, it means the producers, in the garden ecosystem, look at the wordhere, okay the word producers, it means okay, more than one okay, is it?,

Unnecessary Code Switching and Mixing

In order to overcome the fear of making mistakes in their talk and to hopefully accommodatetheir students, T1 and T2 resorted to code switching and code mixing. However, if the codeswitch and mix patterns were looked into, they contradicted Brown’s (1994:105) suggestions;code switching should be done if the following advantages were gained:

· Negotiation of disciplinary and other management factors· Brief descriptions of how to carry out a technique· Brief explanations of grammar points· Quick pointers on meanings of words that remain confusing after students

have had try at defining something themselves· Cultural notes and comments

For example, in explaining how would temperature affect the process of drying up wet clothesoutside the house, T2 simply switched code which could possibly confuse the students insteadof making her explanation clearer;

T2: <055> okay<L1> yang ini (this one) the temperature, <L1>suhu bagi diakering baju hari tu, kita sidai kat luar, kat luar yang mesti panas, takboleh hujan betul? Ah, kalau hujan, basah (the temperature to dry upthe clothes, we have to hang them outside and it must be a hot day notraining. If it rains, wet)

Voices: <056> <L1> basah (wet)T2: <057> <L1> basah, tak kering, kalau hujan, kalau tak hujan?(wet, not dried, if it

rains, if there’s no rain),

The Questioning Techniques

On the other hand, teachers’ questioning techniques in testing the students’ understanding oftheir input were rather projected. The questions were posted to the students with expectedanswers boxed in the pattern of ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ and correct answers were usually repeated byeither teachers or the students. The students were left without the opportunities to explore anddevelop their thinking potentials. For example:

Classroom 1:T1:Voices:

<078><079>

Helmi, which one is the most active one?, magnesium, or copper? [magnesium]

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Classroom 2:T2:Voices:

<089><90>

Do you know respiration? Class?yes…

Consciously or not, teachers seldom provided ample opportunities to their students withsilent ‘thinking’ period in responding to their questions. During the teaching and learningprocesses Brown (1994: 112) warns that, teacher talk should not occupy the major proportion ofa class hour; otherwise teachers are not giving students enough opportunity to talk.

IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION

English language is not a second language which could be mastered overnight. As a matter offact teachers of Science have already gone through the process of teaching and learning theEnglish language but the policy switched to BM as the medium of instruction in Malaysianschools. Thus teachers were professionally required to become proficient in BM to keep pacewith the change.

The discourse in four selected Science classrooms in a rural secondary school, unfoldedthe struggle of the teachers and students. According to Mastura Othman and Pramela (2011),both teachers and students were not only cognitively but also linguistically challenged with theimplementation of this policy. The sudden change which required the teachers to teach withoutproper foundation took the teachers by surprise. This problem was even more pronounced inthe rural schools. The finding goes to show that a proper well-planned transformation is neededbefore implementation.

The Science teachers’ linguistic deficiency was the most significant predicament inassuring the effective implementation of the EteMS policy. Thus a sound language support forthe teachers should be offered by the Ministry of Education for the Science and possibly for allteachers for their professional self development.

This investigation was carried out before the Ministry of Education decided to withdrawthe policy. However, where and whenever changes in the education policy is made, it should notbe an ad-hoc affair. Views and opinions from all parties and stakeholders especially teachers,who are the agents of implementation must be consulted. In fact any future planning andchanging in the policy should be systematically and carefully acted upon (Mastura Othman andPramela, 2011). This is because it is a tremendous loss if the students do not benefit from theimplementation of any policy. The findings from this study could provide the realisticclassroom situation faced by the teachers and students and could suggest new approaches ofhow to overcome such predicaments.

NOTE

* I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft

REFERENCES

Brown, H. D. 1994. Teaching by Principles. An Interactive approach to Language Pedagogy.Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.

Crookes, G. and C. Chaudron. 2001. Guidelines for Language Classroom Instruction in Celce-Murcia, M. 2001. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language. Third Edition.Boston: Heinle and Heinle.

Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan. 2007. Promoting Cooperative Learning in Science andMathematics Education: A Malaysian Perspective Eurasia Journal of Mathematics,Science & Technology Education, 3 (1), 35-39. ISSN: 1305-8223

Holmes, J. 2008. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Harlow: Longman.

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Kauffman, J.M., P.M. Mostert, S.C. Trent and P.L. Pullen. 2006. Managing ClassroomBehaviour. A Reflective Case-Based Approach. Fourth Edition. New York. Pearson.

Koo, Y.L., 2006. Exploring Pluriliteracy as Theory and Practice in Multilingual/CulturalContexts, Journal of Language Teaching Linguistics and Literature. Vol. XI, 2006.

Mastura Othman. 2007. Teacher Talk in the Science Classroom. Unpublished MA Thesis.Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

Mastura Othman and Pramela, K. 2011. Teacher Talk in the Science Classroom. In Tengku NorRizan Tengku Mohd Maasum et al. (Eds), Classroom Practices in ESL & EFL Contexts.Insider Perspectives, pp. 24-49. Serdang: Universiti Putra Malaysia.

Merino, B. and R. Scarcella. 2005. Teaching Science to English Learners. UC LinguisticMinority Research Institute Volume 14, Number 4.

Ministry of Education. 2003. Integrated Curriculum for Secondary Schools. CurriculumSpecifications. Mathematics Form 3. Curriculum Development Centre, Ministry ofEducation.

Ministry of Education. 2002. Integrated Curriculum for Secondary Schools. CurriculumSpecifications. Science Form 1. Curriculum Development Centre, Ministry of Education.

Morley, J. 2001. Aural Comprehension Instruction: Principles and practices in Celce-Murcia,M. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language. Third Edition. Boston: Heinleand Heinle.

Ahmad Zabidi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md. Saad. 2007. The Professional Preparation ofMalaysian Teachers in the Implementation of Teaching and Learning of Mathematicsand Science in English, Eurasia Journal of Mathematics, Science & TechnologyEducation, 2007, 3(2), 101-110.

Nunan, D. 1995. Language Teaching Methodology. London: Prentice Hall.

Ong, S.L. and M. Tan. 2008. Mathematics and Science in English: Teachers Experience insidethe Classroom, Jurnal Pendidik dan Pendidikan 23, 141-150, 2008.

Wardhaugh, R. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.

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Resensi Buku

Judul: Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition)Penulis: Geoff ThomsonPenerbit: London: Hodder Arnold. 2004Tebal: 300 halaman

Siti WachidahUniversitas Negeri Jakarta

[email protected]

PENDAHULUAN

Buku ini hampir sama dengan banyak buku yang bertujuan mengenalkan systemic functionalgrammar (tata bahasa fungsional sistemik) kepada pemula, seperti di antaranya buku AnIntroduction to Systemic Functional Linguistics (Eggins, 2004) dan Using FunctionalGrammar: An Explorer’s Guide (Butt, et al., 2000). Meminjam kata Butt et al., buku inimerupakan “an introduction to the Introduction” (Butt et al., 2000:iv, huruf miring dari aslinya).Penulisan buku ini didasari oleh empati penulis terhadap para pemula dalam disiplin ilmubahasa fungsional, termasuk mahasiswa, guru, dan peneliti bahasa lainnya, yang kemungkinanbesar akan mengalami banyak kesulitan memahami berbagai penjelasan yang panjang dan rincitentang bagaimana bahasa berfungsi sebagai alat bagi manusia untuk melakukan berbagaitindakan serta penggunaan sekian banyak terminologi yang tidak lazim atau belum pernahsebelumnya (2004:ix).

Edisi kedua ini diterbitkan sebagai revisi dari edisi pertama, sejalan dengan terbitnyabuku Introduction to Functional Grammar edisi ketiga yang ditulis oleh Halliday bersamadengan Matthiessen (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004), yang memuat banyak revisi terhadapkedua edisi sebelumnya (Halliday, 1985; 1994). Berbeda dengan Butt et al. (2000) dan Eggins(2004), buku ini secara khusus dimaksudkan sebagai pengantar untuk dapat membaca bukuIntroduction to Functional Grammar (Halliday, 1985; Halliday, 1994; Halliday danMatthiessen, 2004), yang sampai saat ini menjadi rujukan utama disiplin ilmu tersebut. Untukitu penulis sengaja mengikuti sedekat mungkin model pemaparan dan landasan berpikir yangdigunakan Halliday dan Mathhiessen, meskipun tidak harus dalam urutan dan perspektif yangsama. Sebagai pengantar, buku ini tentunya tidak selengkap buku Introduction to FunctionalGrammar. Misalnya, buku ini tidak memuat paparan tentang groups dan phrases, agar dapatlebih fokus pada pemaparan tata bahasa pada tataran klausa. Sebaliknya, buku ini memasukkanhal-hal lain untuk memudahkan pemahaman. Sesuai dengan sumbernya, bahasa Inggrisdigunakan sebagai landasan pembentukan teori bahasa fungsional yang dipaparkan dalam bukuini.

FORMAT DAN GAYA PENULISAN

Buku ini berisi 300 halaman yang terbagi ke dalam sepuluh bab yang rata-rata tidak terlalupanjang: tujuh bab berisi antara dua belas sampai dengan dua puluh satu halaman, dan tiga babyang membahas ketiga metafungsi bahasa, yang merupakan inti dari tata bahasa fungsional,terdiri atas 39 halaman untuk metafungsi interpersonal, 34 untuk metafungsi textual, dan palingpanjang 52 halaman untuk metafungsi experiential. Setiap bab diawali dengan pengantar umum(meskipun tidak semuanya diberi judul ‘Introduction’, diikuti oleh pemaparan materi disertaibanyak contoh analisis teks otentik, dan diakhiri dengan latihan, ‘Exercise’, untuk menerapkankonsep atau teori yang dipaparkan dalam bab tersebut untuk menganalisis teks-teks yangdiambil dari berbagai sumber otentik. Kunci jawaban diberikan di bagian belakang buku

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(halaman 253-282). Pada bagian ‘Futher Reading’ (halaman 283-287), buku ini mencatumkanbeberapa sumber yang perlu dibaca jika pembaca ingin mendalami materi di setiap bab.Sumber-sumber yang disebutkanpun dipilih buku-buku yang dianggap mudah didapat dandipahami oleh pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini.

Gaya bahasa yang digunakan penulis mirip dengan gaya bahasa yang digunakan gurudengan muridnya, dengan tata bahasa yang mudah dan kalimat yang pada umumnya tidakterlalu panjang dan kompleks. Pronomina I, you, we, dan us sangat sering digunakan sehinggapemaparan lebih terkesan sebagai penyampaian pesan secara personal, akrab, dan mudahdiikuti. Terhadap istilah yang baru disebutkan, penjelasan atau definisi langsung segeradiberikan, juga dengan menggunakan tata bahasa dan kosa kata yang mudah dipahami. Setiappemaparan suatu fungsi hampir selalu diberikan contoh penerapannya untuk menganalisis teks,dan contoh inipun diberikan penjelasan secara bertahap dan rinci.

Karena sasarannya juga mencakup pembaca yang mungkin masih sangat awam tentanganalisi bahasa pada umumnya, dalam menjelaskan konsep penulis hampir selalu mengawalinyadengan menyebutkan hal-hal yang kongkrit dialami atau ditemui dalam hidup sehari-hari. Jikaistilah linguistik perlu digunakan, penulis mengawali dengan menggunakan istilah yang telahlazim digunakan dalam pemaparan teori bahasa selama ini.

ISI BUKU

Untuk menjaga agar tidak terjadi salah penerjemahan atau penyebutan istilah, dalam pemparanisi buku ini semua peristilahan disebutkan tetap dalam bahasa aslinya, bahasa Inggris, dan jikaperlu disertai dengan padanannya dalam bahasa Indonesia yang diletakan di dalam kurung.Buku ini diawali dengan memberikan rasional bahwa untuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai alatkomunikasi pendekatan fungsional lebih tepat dibandingkan dengan pendekatan formal(berbasis bentuk), terutama pendekatan Transformational-Generative (TG) yang dikembangkanoleh Chomsky. Dengan beberapa contoh, penulis menunjukkan bahwa TG lebih tepat digunakanuntuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai suatu struktur dan kurang mampu dalam menganalisisbahasa sebagai suatu sistem makna dan Keterkaitan antara bahasa, konteks dan fungsi jugamulai dibahas untuk menunjukanbetapa pentingnya pengaruh konteks dalam menentukanpilihan bentuk bahasa yang dianggap mampu mengungkapkan makna yang dimaksud denganefektif.

Untuk masuk ke dalam inti pembahasan, clause (klausa) adalah topik pertama yangdisajikan karena klausa merupakan satuan bahasa yang menjadi dasar analisis gramatikafungsional. Buku ini menunjukkan cara mengidentifikasi klausa dan unsur klausa denganmenggunakan konsep rank scale. Konsep ini didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa setiap satuanmakna pada setiap rank (level atau tingkatan) dapat diurai ke dalam satuan-satuan makna yanglebih kecil di bawahnya. Klausa, yaitu satuan bahasa yang dalam bahasa Inggris terpusat padakelompok verba, merupakan satuan makna tertinggi. Satuan ini terbentuk oleh satuan-satuanmakna yang lebih kecil di bawahnya, yaitu group (kelompok kata), yang terdiri atas word (kata).Di bawah kata adalah satuan makna terkecil, yaitu morpheme (morfem). Selain itu, ada satuanmakna yang memiliki posisi setara dengan group, yaitu phrase (frasa), khususnya prepositionalphrase. Penulis mengutip penjelasan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004:311) tentang perbedaankelompok kata yang disebut group, yaitu ‘an expansion of a word’ dan kelompok kata yangdisebut phrase, yaitu ‘a contraction of a clause’. Satuan makna yang terbentuk oleh lebih darisatu klausa disebut clause complex (kompleks klausa). Tata bahasa fungsional tidakmenggunakan istilah sentence (kalimat) untuk menyebut satuan makna di atas klausa, karenakalimat hanya dapat berlaku untuk bahasa tulis, dan terlalu sulit untuk bahasa lisan.

Untuk mengawali pembahasan aspek fungsional, penulis memberikan pemaparan umumtentang apa yang dimaksudkan dengan konsep ‘fungsional’. Pertama dipaparkan tentang ketigametafunction (fungsi besar) yang dikenal dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu experiential(salah satu dari dua jenis metafungsi ideational (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004:309-310)),

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interpersonal, dan textual. Setiap klausa secara serentak memainkan ketiga fungsi tersebutsecara serentak. Setiap metafungsi mencakup jaringan fungsi-fungsi yang lebih spesifik, yangsecara keseluruhan menjadikan bahasa sebagai suatu jaringan sistem pilihan (system of choices).Berbeda dengan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004), buku ini ‘seolah-olah’ menambahkanmetafungsi keempat, yaitu metafungsi logical, yang sebenarnya adalah bagian dari metafungsiideational. Metafungsi ini agak berbeda dengan metafungsi lainnya karena berfungsi padatataran di atas klausa, yaitu pada clause complex.

Setelah itu dipaparkan tentang dua konsep terkait dengan peran konteks dalampemilihan unsur gramatika dalam pengungkapan makna, yaitu register dan genre. Dalammemaparkan konsep register, penulis mengutip definisi yang diberikan dalam Halliday danHasan (1985/89), yaitu ‘variation according to use’, yang mencakup tiga dimensi konteks yaitufield, tenor dan mode. Field terkait dengan metafungsi experiential, tenor dengan metafungsiinterpersonal, dan mode dengan metafungsi textual. Genre didefinisikan dengan menggunakanbahasa yang mudah dipahami, yaitu ‘register plus purpose’, yang menunjukkan bahwapemilihan makna, urutannya, serta unsur-unsur kebahasaan yang dipilih untuk membangunsebuah teks ditentukan oleh tujuan yang hendak dicapai.

Pemaparan selanjutnya adalah tentang ketiga metafungsi. Masing-masing dipaparkansecara terpisah secara rinci dan mendalam. Pertama, metafungsi interpersonal. Pemaparanmencakup berbagai aspek kebahasaan yang dapat dipilih untuk berinteraksi dengan orang laindan saling bertukar informasi, barang dan jasa, yaitu (1) Mood (dengan huruf besar) yang terdiriatas Subject dan Finite, (2) mood (dengan huruf kecil) atau tipe klausa (yang mencakupdeclarative, interogative dan imperative), (3) modality yang dikontraskan dengan polarity, dan(4) appraisal atau penilaian yang merefleksikan fungsi judgement dan appreciation.

Kedua, metafungsi experiential. Pemaparan difokuskan pada aspek transitivity. Istilahtransitivity dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional menggambarkan peran sentral verba dalammerepresentasikan pengalaman, karena menurut teori tata bahasa fungsional hanya ada satujenis pengalaman yang dapat dinyatakan dalam satuan makna klausa, yaitu proses. Prosesmemiliki tiga ciri, yaitu (1) terjadinya atau adanya proses, (2) participant yang terlibat dalamproses, dan (3) circumstance yang melingkupi proses. Dari unsur verbalah dapat ditentukanjenis proses yang diungkapkan oleh suatu klausa (material, mental, relational, verbal,existential, atau behavioural), dan juga fungsi semua participant yang terlibat dalam setiap jenisproses (actor, senser, goal, phenomenon, sayer, dsb). Circumstance mencakup, antara lain,waktu, tempat, alasan, tujuan, cara, dsb. Pada akhir bab ini juga disinggung sedikit tentanganalisis metafungsi experiential dari perspektif ergativity.

Ketiga, metafungsi textualyaitu kemampuan bahasa untuk menyusun alur makna dalampenyampaian pesan, khususnya peran theme (tema). Dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional istilahtheme mengacu pada unsur makna yang disebut pertama dalam klausa. Di sini dipaparkan empathal yaitu (1) cara mengidentifikasi tema, (2) tema dalam clause complex, (3) multiple theme(tema ganda), dan (4) beberapa kesulitan dalam menganalisi tema.

Terkait dengan metafungsi tekstual, buku ini menyoroti secara khusus fungsi cohesion(kohesi). Pemaparan tentang kohesi diawali dengan memperjelas fungsi kohesi, dengan caradikontraskan dengan fungsi coherence (koherensi). Bab ini difokuskan pada pemaparan tiga alatkohesi, yaitu reference, ellipsis, dan conjunction.

Pemaparan berikutnya adalah pada tataran di atas klausa, yaitu clause complex(gabungan klausa). Pada tataran ini yang bekerja adalah metafungsi logical. Dalam bab inidipaparkan tentang dua tipe hubungan antar klausa, yaitu (1) hubungan ketergantungan logis,yang terdiri atas fungsi hypotaxis dan parataxis, dan (2) hubungan logiko-semantik, yang terdiriatas fungsi expansion (dalam bentuk elaboration, extension, dan enhancement) dan projection(berupa quote, report, dan fact). Fungsi expansion dan projection masing-masing dipaparkansecara lebih mendalam dalam bagian terpisah.

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Paparan berikutnya adalah tentang fungsi yang bekerja di luar (beyond) klausa, yaitufungsi metafora. Istilah metaphor digunakan secara khusus dalam teori tata bahasa fungsionaluntuk membedakan fungsi pengungkapan makna yang dilakukan secara congruent. Dengan katalain, metaphor artinya tidak congruent. Setara dengan ketiga metafungsi yang dikenal dalamtata bahasa fungsional, ada tiga jenis metaphor, yaitu experiential/logical metaphor,interpersonal metaphor, dan textual metaphor, yang masing-masing dipaparkan dalam satu babterpisah.

Terakhir diberikan contoh analisis teks dalam ketiga dimensi analisis: interpersonal,experiential, dan textual. Objek analisis adalah dua teks yang berbeda bentuk: percakapan yangterjadi dalam ruang operasi dan petikan dari sebuah buku teks kedokteran. Di sini jugadisebutkan tiga kegunaan pendekatan tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu untuk (1) melaksanakananalisis wacana (discourse analysis), (2) menentukan materi ajar berbagai program pendidikanbahasa, dan (3) melaksanakan analisis wacana kritis (critical discourse analysis).

KOMENTAR

Secara keseluruhan buku ini telah memenuhi cita-cita penulisnya untuk dapat dibaca olehpemula dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa fungsional. Kemudahan bukan hanya terpancar dari bahasayang digunakan tetapi juga dari penjelasan dan contoh-contoh yang digunakan, yang dipaparkansecara rinci dan bertahap. Jika pembaca mengikuti sistematika penyampaian dalam buku iniserta mengejakan latihan menganalisis teks yang diberikan di setiap akhir bab dengan sunguh-sungguh, dia akan terlibat secara konseptual dan parktis sekaligus, yang menjadi syarat untukdapat memahami cara menganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Materi yang telahdipilih penulis dalam setiap bab dapat dianggap cukup membekali pemula sebagai dasar untukdapat memahami dan mendalami teori tata bahasa fungsional dimaksud dengan membacasumber-sumber yang ditulis oleh Halliday dan koleganya.

Perspektif lain yang dimasukkan penulis untuk menjelaskan berbagai konsep ternyatabukan hanya cukup efektif untuk memudahkan pemahaman, tetapi juga memperkayapemahaman bahkan bagi pembaca yang sudah lama berkecimpung dalam disiplin ilmu ini.Latihan yang diberikan di akhir setiap bab juga bukan hanya perlu bagi pemula, tetapi jugadapat digunakan oleh pembaca lainnya yang lebih mahir untuk meningkatkan kemampuanmenganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Hal ini terutama karena adanya kunci jawabandari setiap soal yang diberikan di bagian belakang buku ini. Oleh karena itu, buku ini layakdirekomendasikan sebagai rujukan utama bagi pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini, terutama bagimahasiswa dalam mata kuliah Introduction to Functional Grammar dan sejenisnya.

Tentunya buku ini tidak dapat diandalkan sebagai satu-satunya solusi untuk dapatmemahami teori bahasa fungsional dengan mudah, karena dalam upaya memberikan penjelasanfungsi bahasa secara global dan kontekstual teori linguistik fungsional memang memerlukanpemaparan dan penjelasan yang panjang dan rumit serta berbagai istilah dan jargon yang belumpernah dikenal dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa yang atelah lama dikenal selama ini yang memangperlu untuk menjelaskan sistematika fungsi bahasa. Jikapun digunakan istilah yang sudah lamadikenal (misalnya theme, metaphor, sentence) sangat mungkin mengacu pada konsep yang tidakpersis sama atau bahkan berbeda sama sekali. Kesulitan dalam memahami buku inikemungkinan juga disebabkan karena adanya interferensi atau pengaruh dari penguasaan teorilinguistik yang sudah tertanam sebelumnya (yang kemungkinan juga justru memudahkan).

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RUJUKAN

Butt, D, Fahey, R., Feez, S., Spinks, S., dan Yallop, C. (2000) Using functional grammar: anexplorer’s guide (edisi kedua). Sydney: NCELTR, Macquarie University

Eggins, S. (2004) An introduction to systemic functional linguistics (edisi kedua). New York:Continuum.

Halliday, M.A.K. (1985) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi pertama). London: EdwardArnold.

Halliday, M.A.K. (1994) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi kedua). London: EdwardArnold.

Halliday, M.A.K. dan Matthiessen, C. M. I. M. (2004) Introduction to functional grammar(edisi ketiga). London: Edward Arnold.

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JELAJAH LINGUISTIK

Rubrik ini membuka peluang untuk saling berbagi di antara kita tentang beberapakemungkinan topik ini:

a. pencanangan metode penelitian linguistik yang belum lazim digunakanb. daur-ulang metodologi penelitian linguistikc. persoalan data yang – meskipun barangkali belum ditemukan pemecahannya –

penelusurannya berpeluang membuka sesuatu yang baru yang belum pernahmenjadi perhatian peneliti terdahulu

d. penerapan teori linguistik tertentu untuk menjelaskan data bahasa sepertibahasa Indonesia yang membuat peneliti mempersoalkan teori yangbersangkutan

METODE: DARI SINTAKSIS KE PRAGMATIK

Bambang Kaswanti PurwoUniversitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya

[email protected]

Pernahkah Anda menemukan kesulitan ketika mencoba menjelaskan tentang bahasa Indonesia?Saya alami itu ketika berhadapan dengan kata sudah dan jadi. Kalau kita buka KUBI, maknasudah adalah ‘telah’. Kalau kita buka telah, maknanya ‘sudah’. Ini tentunya bukan urusankamus, melainkan tata bahasa. Namun, kalau kita buka buku tata bahasa Indonesia, tidak jugatertera penjelasan yang memadai.

Kata jadi, di dalam kamus Inggris-Indonesia John Echols, bermakna ‘end up doingsomething”: <saya jadi lihat film>. Namun, bagaimana menerapkan makna jadi ini pada kalimat<jadi rapat siang ini?>, yang jawabannya dapat berupa kalimat singkat <jadi> atau <tidakjadi>? Kalimatnya tidak hanya tak bersubjek, melainkan juga mengandung sesuatu yangtersiratkan sebab penutur dan petutur sama-ama tahu apa yang dimaksudkan. Samalah halnyadengan sudah, yang juga dapat dituturkan dalam kalimat tak bersubjek <sudah tadi di jalan>,misalnya, sebagai jawaban penolakan terhadap ajakan <ayo makan menemani saya>.

Bagaimana menjelaskan ini, termasuk yang tersirat itu? Dengan cara apa? Sintaksis –persisnya “sintaksis mandiri” (autonomous syntax), yang tidak memperhitungkan konteks –tidak dapat dipakai untuk menjelastuntaskan kalimat tak bersubjek itu, kalimat khas dalambahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia. Berbeda halnya dengan bahasa seperti bahasa Inggris yangsintaksisnya secara lebih ketat mewajibkan adanya subjek secara eksplisit (kecuali padabeberapa konstruksi tertentu). Bahkan, kalau tidak ada subjek pun, subjek diada-adakan, seperti< It rained > vs. <Hujan>; <It’s hot today> vs. <Panas hari ini>.

Upaya menjelaskan tata bahasa dengan memperhitungkan konteks ini saya sebut“membangun tata bahasa baru”. Ini terlahir ketika saya menyiapkan makalah untuk “State ofIndonesian Studies Conference”, memenuhi undangan Southeast Asian Program, CornellUniversity, 28–30 April 2011. Kelahiran topik ini disulut oleh fokus konferensi itu, yang dibuatsama untuk setiap enam panel (anthropology, art history, history, language, government, danethno-musicology): kajian Indonesia ditinjau dari masa lalu, ke masa sekarang, dan menujumasa depan.

Di masa lalu hingga kini tata bahasa Indonesia sarat dengan hasil penjelasanberdasarkan sintaksis (“mandiri”). Karena mengabaikan yang tersiratkan itu tadi, ada yang takterkuak. Ke masa depan, untuk membuka tabir misteri bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia, perludibangun tata bahasa baru, bukan dengan mengandalkan sintaksis saja, melainkan jugapragmatik. Maksudnya, analisis kalimat dengan menelusuri konteks pemakaiannya: menguakmengapa sampai dituturkan kalimat seperti (1a), dan bukan yang lain.

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(1) a. Pertunjukan sudah mulai ketika kami sampai. b. The performance had already started when we arrived.

Bukannya tidak mungkin menganalisis sudah dengan “sintaksis mandiri”, tanpakonteks. Mungkin saja itu dilakukan, tetapi hanya sebagian kecil saja mengenai seluk-beluknyayang tersingkap dengan cara seperti itu (periksa uraian mengenai contoh (2)). Tanpamempertimbangkan konteks – hanya dengan mengamati yang kasat mata saja – makna perfektifpada sudah dapat dijelaskan dengan rangka pikir “sistem kala” (tense system), sebagaimanayang dipakai dalam menjelaskan kalimat Inggris (1b) itu. Apabila ada dua peristiwa atauperbuatan yang berurutan (start dan arrive), apa yang berlangsung lebih dahulu (start), dalambahasa Inggris, diutarakan dengan perfektif dan dalam bahasa Indonesia dengan sudah. Akantetapi, bagaimana dengan sudah pada (2)?

(2) a. Saya sudah di parkiran sekarang. Ruang kerjamu di mana? b. I’m in the parking lot now. Where is your room?

Apakah hanya itu saja makna sudah, yaitu makna yang disepadankan dengan perfektif,berdasarkan penjelasan dengan rangka “sistem kala” itu? Camkanlah makna sudah pada (2),yang tidak tertampung dalam rangka itu. Berbeda dengan sudah (1), sudah (2) tidak berpadanandengan perfektif pada bahasa Inggris. Pada konteks itu kalimat dengan perfektif tidak berterima:<*I have been in the parking lot now>.

Masih ada lagi pemakaian sudah yang tak terjelaskan dengan rangka pikir sistem kalaitu: baik yang temporal <dia sudah kawin> maupun yang tidak <sudah kaya, cantik lagi>(Kaswanti 2011b). Samalah halnya dengan makna jadi pada dua kalimat “bersinonim”(<rapatnya tidak jadi> dan <kita tidak jadi rapat>) ini, yang mustahil terjelaskan denganpendekatan sintaksis “mandiri” tadi. Penjelasannya – tidak dapat tidak – menuntutpemerhitungan konteks pemakaian di dalam komunikasi.

Yang mengasyikkan di sini ialah – sebagaimana yang dapat diikuti pada Kaswanti(2011a–d) – rangka pragmatik yang dipakai untuk menjelaskan makna sudah pada pelbagaikonteks itu dapat juga diterapkan untuk menjelaskan pemakaian kata seperti jadi (dan jugasampai (Kaswanti 2011c)).

RUJUKAN

Kaswanti Purwo, Bambang. 2011a. “Constructing a New Grammar of Indonesian: A Trip fromExpectation to Reality”, Conference on “The State of Indonesian Studies”, CornellUniversity, 29–30 April 2011.

--------. 2011b. “Sudah in Contemporary Indonesian”, ISMIL 15, Universitas Islam NegeriMalang, 24–26 Juni 2011.

--------. 2011c. “The Indonesian sampai: From Space to the Deictics (of Time and Person) andto the Pragmatics (of Precipitation)”, Workshop on Deixis and Spatial Expression inIndonesian Languages, Osaka, 22–23 Juli, 2011.

--------. 2011d. “Membangun Tata Bahasa Baru Bahasa Indonesia: Lajur Pragmatik”, KIMLI2011, Bandung, 9–12 Oktober 2011.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 209 - 214 Tahun ke-29, No. 2Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

BINCANG ANTARA KITA DARI DUNIA MAYA

TERIMA KASIH: KAPAN KITA MENGUCAPKANNYA?

From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Monday, February 21, 2011 2:15 PMSubject: [mlindo]

Sejawat, para pencinta bahasa Indonesia:

Timothy Hassall, dosen bahasa Indonesia di ANU, Canberra, merasa prihatin terhadapperkembangan bahasa kita. Bagaimana dengan kita?

Ada yang bisa membantu menjelaskan kapan orang Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih? Parapemelajar bahasa Indonesia yang bertutur dalam bahasa lain sungguh menantikan jawaban ini.Ada yang tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian tentang ini?

Link: http://bahasakita.com/2011/05/03/to-thank-or-not-to-thank-in-indonesian/

Salam,bambang

From: rina marnita <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 4:41 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Pak Bambang dan 'rekan2' di mlindo,

Menurut pendapat saya yang masih belajar ini, dalam menjawab pertanyaan Pak Bambang inimungkin perlu kita pertimbangkan aspek budaya penutur bahasa Indonesia. Dalammenggunakan bahasa Indonesia, orang Indonesia mungkin tidak bisa lepas seutuhnya daripengaruh budaya lokal mereka. Kemungkinan besar mengucapkan terimakasih sifatnya juga'cultural specific'. Sebagai contoh: dalam masyarakat Minang tradisional, maupun generasi tuadan orang-orang yang tinggal di pedesaan di masa sekarang ini, terima kasih diungkapkandengan cara yang khas, yaitu secara tidak langsung. Sering ungkapan terima kasih dinyatakandalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak memerlukan jawaban. Seseorang yang diberi bendabiasanya akan berkata 'Eh, baa dek baagiah pulo ambo baju' (Eh, kenapa saya dikasih pula baju?atau Lho, kok saya dikasih baju?). Adakalanya respon mereka berupa pernyataan, yangmungkin kedengaran ekstrim bagi orang luar, seperti 'ndeh, jan diagaih-agiah pulo ambo bajulai' (Duh, jangan dikasih pula saya baju' / Wah, saya gak usah dikasih baju '). Kadang2 responitu dalam bentuk kalimat pujian yang diiringi dengan eskpresi wajah atau gerak tubuh yangmenunjukkan rasa senang, seperti: 'I, rancaknyo lai(Wah, bagusnya). Respon jenis ini kadang2diikuti oleh kata 'mokasih yo' (terima kasih ya).

Hal ini juga mungkin terkait dengan nilai budaya masyarakat Minang. Orang tua, misalnya,menganggap tidak perlu mengucapkan terimakasih kepada orang yang lebih muda yangmemberikan bantuan (meskipun bantuan itu atas permintaan orang tua) karena membantu orangtua (lebih tua) dianggap sudah merupakan kewajiban. Hal ini juga tercermin di antaranya daribentuk kalimat yang digunakan dalam meminta pertolongan yang umumnya dalam bentukimperatif, tanpa kata tolong, dan dalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak membutuhkan jawaban,

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Contoh:1) Ambiaklah kain lai, Na. Ari ka ujan. (Angkatlah jemuran, Na. Hari mau hujan).2) Baa dek indak baambiak kain Na? Ari ka ujan. (Mengapa jemuran belum diangkat Na?

Hari mau hujan)3) Indak ka baambiak kain na. Ari ka ujan. (Apakah jemuran tidak akan diangkat, hari (kan)

mau hujan)

Biasanya respon terhadap ketiga tuturan ini adalah berupa perbuatan 'mengangkat jemuran' yangdiiringi, atau tidak, dengan ucapan 'yo mak (ya Mak), atau alasan. Dan, jarang sekali adakomunikasi ataupun interaksi sesudahnya yang memberi kesempatan yang memberi perintahuntuk mengucapkan terimakasih (kalau ini dianggap perlu oleh si pemberi perintah).

Rina Marnita AS

From: Agus Santoso <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 10:34 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Menarik sekali bahwa budaya lokal ikut serta dalam memberikan pengaruh dalamberterimakasih. Pertanyaan saya, bu Rina, apakah ketika orang Minang berbahasa Indonesia,mereka tetap mempertahankan tatacara mengucapkan terima kasih itu ataukah merekameleburkan diri kepada ciri bahasa Indonesia yang bersifat nasional?

Sebagai orang yang berbahasa Indonesia, saya mengucapkan terima kasih ketika (tidakberdasarkan urutan apapun):1) Saya menerima bantuan dari orang lain.2) Saya mendapatkan hadiah.3) Orang memberikan perhatian kepada saya.4) Orang melakukan sesuatu yang harus saya lakukan.5) Orang memberikan nasehat.6) Orang memberikan uang kembalian ketika saya berbelanja.7) Orang memberikan pelayanan yang bagus.8) Menolak ajakan dengan halus.9) Memberikan penghargaan kepada orang lain setelah mereka mendengarkan saya, misalnya.10) Mungkin bisa ditambahkan oleh yang lainnya?

Salam,Agus Santosohttp://agus-santoso.com/buku/

From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 12:51 PMSubject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Saya tertarik untuk mengamati yagn no. 8 lebih jauh. Di situ “terima kasih” = “tidak”, dan tidakterbatas pada “menolak ajakan halus”, termasuk juga menolak “tawaran” (minum, makan,dsb.). Untuk penolakan seperti ini tidak pernah kita katakan “Tidak/Nggak, terima kasih.”,sebagai padanan dari “No, thanks.”.

Pertanyaan: bagaimana kita mengatakan “yes, thank you”. Benarkah tidak bisa kita katakan “ya,terima kasih”? [terima kasih dengan “ya”]

Atau, bisakah “terima kasih” kita pakai sebagai jawaban “menerima tawaran”, meskipun tidakterucap kata “ya”. [terima kasih tanpa “ya”]

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Atau, kalau kita menerima tawaran, jawabannya cenderung “tanpa kata”? Misalnya, ditawarimengambil kue, langsung mengambil kue, tanpa kata?

Atau, kalau dengan kata, apa yang kita ucapkan? Terucap “Terima kasih”-kah? Atau, apa?

bk

From: Yassir Nasanius <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 2:33 PMSubject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Dear all,

Apakah terjemahan 'thank you for not smoking', yaitu 'terima kasih Anda tidak merokok', bisamasuk kategori no. 10 yang dibuat Pak Agus?

Salam,Yassir

From: Agus Santoso <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 9:27 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Pak Bambang yth,

Saya rasa kita hanya mengucapkan terima kasih saja ya. Kalau tidak ada kelanjutannya, berartino, thanks. Kalau dilanjutkan dengan mengerjakan sesuatu yang dimintakan, berarti yes, thanks.

Oleh sebab itu, banyak pembelajar bahasa Inggris yang terjebak dalam masalah ini ketikamereka harus membedakan yes/no, thanks. Kita cenderung hanya mengatakan thanks dan hal inimembuat penutur berbahasa Inggris menjadi kebingungan karena mereka mengharapkanyes/no..:)

Mungkin ada ide lain dari teman-teman lain yang ingin menambahkannya?

Salam,GAShttp://agus-santoso.com/buku/

From: rina marnita <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 10:25 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Terima kasih atas responnya pak (berarti kita juga mengucapkan terima kasih ketika pendapatkita direspon seseorang terlepas apakah kita setuju atau tidak dengan respon tersebut)

Ya, sebaiknya kita memang 'melebur' dalam budaya/ciri kebahasaan secara nasional ketikamenggunakan bahasa Indonesia. Namun, selama ini umumnya kita mengajarkan'bagaimana dankapan mengucapakan terima kasih' ketika mengajarkan tata krama pada anak2 kita, yangmungkin saja kita (sangat) dipengaruhi oleh nilai2 budaya dan kebiasaan yang kita anut (ataumungkin kita sudah punya panduan tertulis nasional tentang aturan berterimakasih ini?).Mungkin faktor latar belakang pendidikan seseorang juga mempengaruhi pak; makin tinggitingkat pendidikan seseorang makin 'standar' perilaku berbahasanya.

Terima kasih (kenapa berterimakasih lagi ya?)

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From: E. Aminudin Aziz <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 1:39 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Nimbrung dikit nih.

Kalau saya pikir sih, sesuai dengan hakikatnya, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telahada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur.Artinya, si penutur memang ingin menunjukkan 'penerimaan' terhadap rasa 'kasih' yang telahdiberikan mitra tuturnya itu. Nah, kalau justru ada seseorang yang telah diberi 'kasih' itu tidak'diterimakan', maka kita bisa katakan bahwa orang tersebut tidak tahu terima kasih.

Lalu, kalau pada akhirnya ada ungkapan terima kasih yang di luar konteks di atas, sepertimisalnya setelah dipecat gituh (?), maka ungkapan terima kasih tadi tidak boleh/tidak bisadipandang sebagai ungkapan terima kasih yang tulus, yang --seperti kita banyak baca daritulisan Brown&Levinson dan para peneliti lain ttg Kesantunan Berbahasa-- memang berterimakasih itu bisa mengancam wajah alias face-threatening act. Artinya, memang tidak selalu mudahuntuk berterima kasih secara ikhlas itu.

Oh ya, terima kasih kepada yang telah membaca komentar ini (dengan ikhlas)....(smile...!!!)

Salam,eaa

From: Agus Santoso <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 2:25 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Terima kasih, pak, untuk inputnya. Saya rasa semua aspek harus kita amati/jelajahi supaya kitamemiliki perspektif yang menyeluruh karena hakikat riset adalah mendokumentasi segala aspekyang terkait di dalamnya dan pastinya ada sedikit gesekan-gesekan juga yang merupakankekecualian yang daripadanya kita justru mendapatkan keutuhannya, dalam hal ini, misalnyapenggunaan ujaran 'terima kasih' dalam setiap aspeknya.

Salam,GAS

From: su santo <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 2:48 PMSubject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Salam bahagia dari India...

Mungkin pembahasan aspek intonasi ujaran 'terima kasih' juga tak kalah menariknya untukdilibatkan.Dengan mencermati tonic syllable, yang pada gilirannya tonic foot, kita mendapat latar fonetikuntuk menentukan alur nada ujaran 'terimakasih' tersebut. Hal ini tentunya dilakukan dengansangat memperhatikan pengaturan advanced pitch range pada instrumen yang digunakan(misalnya PRAAT) yang mungkin berbeda dari satu konteks ke konteks yang lain, dari satubahasa ke bahasa yang lain ataupun dari satu penutur ke penutur yang lain.

Susantowww.mrsusanto.blogspot.com

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From: Yassir Nasanius <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:05 PMSubject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Dear all,

Kalau tidak salah, diskusi mengenai 'cara berterima kasih' ini dipicu oleh artikel Tim Hasallyang mengemukakan kebingungannya ketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih'. Tampaknya Timdan mahasiswanya memakai kerangka tindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggrisketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia. Jadi, masalahnya apakahtindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris itu sama dengan tindak tutur 'terima kasih'dalam bahasa Indonesia? Menurut Pak Amin, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telahada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur,sehingga tindak tutur ini dimanifestasikan melalui 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris dan'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia? Akan tetapi, seperti ditulis rekan-rekan yang lain, tindaktutur yang termaktub dalam 'thank you/thanks' sangat dipengaruhi budaya masyarakat berbahasaInggris dan tindak tutur yang termaktub dalam 'terima kasih' sangat dipengaruhi budayamasyarakat pemakai bahasa Indonesia? How do we reconcile these two facts?

Salam,Yassir

From: Yassir Nasanius <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:20 PMSubject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Di samping unsur fonologi, saya rasa kajian tindak tutur (seperti berterima kasih atau memintasesuatu) yang bersifat lintas budaya merupakan kajian yang sangat menarik. Di dalam literaturpengajaran tahun 50-an, Contrastive Linguistics, saya kira, belum banyak berkutat dengan tindaktutur (paling-paling hanya sampai pada tataran kalimat). Mungkin Contrastive Lingustics ditambahpragmatics perlu direvitalisasi untuk mengkaji topik seperti speech acts across cultures (tindak tuturdalam pelbagai bahasa) atau implicatures across cultures (implikatur dalam pelbagai budaya).

Salam,Yassir

From: E. Aminudin Aziz <[email protected]>To: [email protected]: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:24 PMSubject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Rekan-rekan,

Yang saya percayai adalah bahwa dalam bahasa (dan budaya) apapun, tindak tutur berterimakasih itu PASTI ADA. Hanya, yang mungkin berbeda adalah realisasinya. Ingatlah misalnyadalam studi yang dilakukan dalam projek CCSARP oleh Blum-Kulka dkk, kita menemukankenyataan betapa beragamnya realisasi pertuturan MEMINTA (Requesting) dan MEMOHONMAAF (Apologies). Keragaman tsb dibuktikan lebih lanjut dalam beberapa riset berikutnya.Dengan demikian, sudah pasti bahwa realisasi tuturan (termasuk di dalamnya unsur fonologis)akan sangat khas sesuai dengan budaya tempat bahasa itu hidup. Bahkan, bukankah kita akanmenyatakan terima kasih atau tuturan lainnya secara berbeda 'hanya' karena situasi lingkungan(konteks) berbeda? Dan itulah kekayaan bahasa dalam budayanya, saya pikir.

Salam,eaa

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Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 209 - 214Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

INDEKS

atelic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164Buginese dialect 69blurring (the) boundaries 167code-switching 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146communication 19, 33, 34comparable particle 53, 56, 61, 62, 65conversation analysis 1, 2, 5, 13, 14, 101covert voice alternation 111, 115cultural scripts 19, 23, 33difficult translation 85, 86ethnography of communication 185forms of greeting 69(funny) control 111I-grammar 167, 168, 169I-morality 167, 169, 170impossible translation 85, 86Indonesian 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,

172, 173, 174, 175, 176intentionality 167, 169, 170kena 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126language extinction 35language vitality 35language revival and revitalization 35linguistic and poetic iconicity 85, 97linguistic challenges 185linguistic corruption 167, 171, 173, 174, 176Manado Malay 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144moral character 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176morality 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176, 177multicultural 19multilingual 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 144, 146Natural Semantic Metalanguage 19, 21, 22pragmatics 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 101pragmatic particle 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 66poetry translation 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 94, 97politeness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 101representations 167, 169, 170, 176rules 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 174, 175Sidrap 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82situations 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163subtle translation 85, 86, 97taken for granted knowledge 167, 169Teaching Science 185telic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164terminal/natural end points 151type of situations 151

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INDEKS PENULIS

Kasper 1

Darmojuwono 19

Ibrahim 35

Sari 53

Amir 69

Kadarisman 85

Omar 101

Nomoto dan Wahab 111

Pangalila 133

Nurhayati 151

Kalidjernih 167

Krish and Othman 185

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Terima Kasih

Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para

mitra bebestari yang telah berkenan mereview artikel-artikel yang

diterbitkan dalam Linguistik Indonesia edisi Februari dan Agustus 2011,

yaitu:

1. Patrisius Istiarto Djiwandono Universitas Ma Chung

2. M. Umar Muslim Universitas Indonesia

3. Hasan Basri Universitas Tadulako

4. E. Aminudin Aziz Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia

5. Siti Wachidah Universitas Negeri Jakarta

6. A. Effendi Kadarisman Universitas Negeri Malang

7. Mahyuni Universitas Mataram

8. Dwi Noverini Djenar University of Sydney, Australia

9. Bahren Umar Siregar Unika Atma Jaya

10. Katharina Endriati Sukamto Unika Atma Jaya

11. Faizah Sari Unika Atma Jaya

12. Bambang Kaswanti Purwo Unika Atma Jaya

13. Yassir Nasanius Unika Atma Jaya

Jakarta, Agustus 2011

Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia

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FORMAT PENULISAN NASKAH

Naskah diketik dengan menggunakan MS Word dikirimkan ke Redaksi melalui [email protected] atau dalam bentuk disket dan satu printout. Panjang naskah,termasuk daftar pustaka, adalah minimal 15 halaman dan maksimal 30 halaman, denganspasi tunggal dan jenis huruf Times New Roman 11 point. Naskah disertai denganabstrak sekitar 150 kata dan kata kunci (key words) maksimal tiga kata. Abstrak dankata kunci ditulis dalam dua bahasa: bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, diletakkansetelah judul naskah dan afiliasi penulis.

Kutipan hendaknya dipadukan dalam kalimat penulis, kecuali bila panjangnyalebih dari tiga baris. Dalam hal ini, kutipan diketik dengan spasi tunggal, menjorok kedalam (indented) sepuluh karakter, letak tengah (centered), dan tanpa tanda petik. Namapenulis yang dirujuk hendaknya ditulis dengan urutan berikut: nama akhir penulis,tahun penerbitan, dan nomor halaman (bila diperlukan); misalnya, (Radford 1997),(Radford 1997:215). Catatan ditulis pada akhir naskah (endnote), tidak pada bagianbawah halaman (footnote).

Setiap rujukan baik artikel maupun buku tanpa dipilah-pilah jenisnya, diurutkanmenurut abjad berdasarkan nama akhir, tanpa diberi nomor urut.

· Untuk buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun pe-nerbitan, (6) titik, (7) judul buku cetak miring, (8) titik, (9) kota penerbitan, (10) titikdua (colon), (11) nama penerbit, dan (12) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut:

Gass, S.M. dan J. Schachter. 1990. Linguistic Perspectives on Second LanguageAcquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hutabarat, S. 1995. Pemerolehan Fonem Bahasa Batak Karo pada Anak-anak UsiaTiga Tahun. Jakarta: Gramedia.

· Untuk artikel dalam jurnal: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5)tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tandapetik tutup, (11) nama jurnal cetak miring, (12) volume, (13) titik, (14) nomor (kalauada), (15) koma, (16) spasi, (17) halaman, (18) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut:

Chung, S. 1976. “An Object-Creating Rule in Bahasa Indonesia.” Linguistic Inquiry7.1, 41-87.

Zwicky, A.M. 1985. “Heads.” Journal of Linguistics 21, 1-30.

· Untuk artikel dalam buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5)tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tandapetik tutup, (11) berilah kata "Dalam", (12) titik dua, (13) nama editor disusul (ed.),(14) koma, (15) halaman, (16) titik. Buku ini harus pula dirujuk secara lengkap dalamlema tersendiri, seperti pada contoh berikut:

Dardjowidjojo, S. 2007. “Derajat Keuniversalan dalam Pemerolehan Bahasa.” Dalam:Nasanius (ed.), 233-261.

Nasanius, Y. (ed.). 2007. PELBBA 18. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.

· Jika ada lebih dari satu artikel oleh pengarang yang sama, nama pengarangnya ditulisulang secara lengkap, dimulai dengan tahun terbitan yang lebih dulu, mengikuticontoh ini:

Shibatani, M. 1977. “Grammatical Relations and Surface Cases.” Language 53, 789-809.

Shibatani, M. 1985. “Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis.”Language 61, 821-848.

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