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ifda dossier 71 Espacio local . Curaci6n y cosmologia: El rcto de las medicinas populares (Sylvia Marcos) 3 Espace rbgional . Quellc culture, quel d6veloppemcnt? (Ilassan Bin Talal) 19 North-South space . How to ruin a country: the case of Togo (Richard Gerster) 25 Global space . Political economy of ecoIo&y movements (Jayanta l%andyopadhyay & Vandana Shiva) 37 News from the third system . Reseau Sud-Nord Cultures et 'D6veloppen1cnt' 61 . I'euples Solidaires presence Reseau - Sol~darite 62 . Kanaki: Lettre de la tribu 63 . Bangladesh: ~sociation for the Realization of Basic Needs 65 . E1 Salvador: Instituto de 1a Mujer (IMU) 67 . Philipp~nes: Community 1nform:ition and I'lanning System (CII'S) 70 . West Germany: Rainforest Memorandun] 72 . Citizens' groups develop agenda for 'our common future' 73 . Tropical Forestry Action Plan destroys forests worldwide 74 . USA: 4,440 arrests as nuclear protesters carry on hng's legacy 76 . Afrique: ENDNlOCU au service dcs consomnlateurs 77 . 'I'hc h i a n Coalit~on for Hous~ng Rights 78 . Le Centre panafricain de prospective sociale (CPPSS) 79 . Droit International 1990 81 Sources 1 Fuentes 83 This is.~ue tlas been printed in 22,000 copies ISSN 0254--30.76
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ifda dossier 71 - Burma Library · En csta intcprctacidn dc las civilizaciones, la medicina popu1:ir conteniporhnc:~ CS una exprcsi6n de un pr(3ceso pcrnlanente dc sintcsis y dc apropriaci6n

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Page 1: ifda dossier 71 - Burma Library · En csta intcprctacidn dc las civilizaciones, la medicina popu1:ir conteniporhnc:~ CS una exprcsi6n de un pr(3ceso pcrnlanente dc sintcsis y dc apropriaci6n

ifda dossier 71 Espacio local . Curaci6n y cosmologia: E l rc to d e las medicinas populares

(Sylvia Marcos) 3

Espace rbgional . Quellc culture, quel d6veloppemcnt? (Ilassan Bin Talal) 19

North-South space . H o w t o ruin a country: t h e case of Togo (Richard Gerster) 25

Global space . Political economy of ecoIo&y movements (Jayanta l%andyopadhyay &

Vandana Shiva) 37

News from the third system . Reseau Sud-Nord Cultures et 'D6veloppen1cnt' 61 . I'euples Solidaires presence Reseau - Sol~darite 62 . Kanaki: Lettre de la tribu 63 . Bangladesh: ~ s o c i a t i o n for the Realization of Basic Needs 65 . E1 Salvador: Instituto de 1a Mujer (IMU) 67 . Philipp~nes: Community 1nform:ition and I'lanning System (CII'S) 70 . West Germany: Rainforest Memorandun] 72 . Citizens' groups develop agenda for 'our common future' 73 . Tropical Forestry Action Plan destroys forests worldwide 74 . USA: 4,440 arrests as nuclear protesters carry on hng ' s legacy 76 . Afrique: ENDNlOCU au service dcs consomnlateurs 77 . 'I'hc h i a n Coalit~on for Hous~ng Rights 78 . Le Centre panafricain de prospective sociale (CPPSS) 79 . Droit International 1990 81

Sources 1 Fuentes 83

This is.~ue tlas been printed in 22,000 copies ISSN 0254--30.76

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To the reader

This issue of the IFDA hss ier is a bit unusual. This is due 10 a iechnicl~l change which look more tinle rhan we ~houghf.

We recently (zcq~iired (I new qs~enl . Ii w0.s already put io use on ihe occ(~.sion of the nz~~iling of hss ier 70. Readers might h m e noticed in b his conne.xion fhal there is now1 a nun~ber on top of the l~ibel. This number is 11errnl1nen1, and if will help considerably 10 alwuys n~cnrion it when changing address or paying subscription.

As for (/,S presenfation is concerned, the new qstenz brings about, we hope, a m(lrked irnprovenlenl in legibiliv.

Blif wJe hod to learn, ond 1hi.s is why this issue n1~1jj nof only be 1(1ie, i f is 01x0 inconlple~e. Time did no[ allow) us to inc/ude some reg~lkit. ,feo~~ires like the pemxiicals section of the sources, letters, the materials received, eve11 he announcements, all componer~/.s of the Dossier, ~vhicll, b i 7 0

ore old, are apprc>cioted by nlany, We did not manage eiiher to incl~idc~ 011 the b o o k rece~~vd sirzce the publicafion of Dossier 70.

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Curacih y cosmologia

El reto de las medicinas populares

Curing and cosmology: the challenge of popular medicines

Guerison et cosmologie: le d6fi des medecines populaires

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Curacihn y cosmologia El reto de las n~edicinas populares

Los sistcmas d c conocimicnlo Sc)rj:in nucslro pensamicnto, i~ifluycn en nucstros conccptos de ciisualidad y guiiin nucslras perccpciones scnsorialcs. En todo rnoIncnlo estanlos sumcrgidos cn un sistem;i dc conocimicnto quc organiza la Sor~na cn quc conceptu:~lizamos cl mundo rn:itcrial que nos rodca para 'ajustarsc' a cstc sistcma cognoscivito. Cuando estarnos lrcnle a la mcdicina popular y traditional, si sonios suSicicntcmenLc pcrccptivos, podcmos disccrnir cl sislema dc conocimicn- to suby:iccnte, intimamcntc Iixado 21 su cosmo1ogf:i. En cl patr6n global dc 13s pr5clicas de la mcdicina cn Mkxico y Mesoamkrica hay en Ia actualidad un jucgo co~ltrastado e ~ i t r c cl paradigms nikdico insti tucio~~al y cl popular. La mcdicina traditional ticnc su proprio sistcnia dc cl:isificaci6n, sus calcgorias cspccialcs, sus herrarnicntas mkdicas, sus vinculos particularcs cntre lc cnf'errncdad y la salud. Ell cstc arliculo rncncionarc~nos varios conccptos quc subyaccn :I las prficticas tcrapLu- ticas dc nucslros dfas cn 1a nicdicina popular.

h4cstizajc y sincrctismo son 10s lkrminos quc se aplican :I la fusi6n c) sintcsis dc nuestros lcgados indigena y curopco. Algunos csludiosos ban comprcndido quc debajo dc la supuesta mczcla o sincrctisn~o cstA ocullo algo quc es mucho mAs cornplcjo que una 'mczcla' homogknca. Roger Bastidc, cn lug:~r d c sincrctismo, habla dc la intcrpcnctraci6n de civilizacioncs, como un proccso dinhmico quc continua cn nucstros diiis. Uno d e 10s carnpos dondc sc observa cstc fcnhmeno con mAs claridi~d es en cl 'curandcrismo' o la ~ncdicina popular. Rcprcscnla uno dc 10s rcinos privilc~iados cn 10s quc la c~nicidad sc atrinchcra y l o i p

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sobrcvivir a la conquista. Para Margulis (1984), fa medicine pop~ilar CS

Lino de 10s refiigios de la r~s;stc~ncr~z c~ilturaf. Otros investigadorcs nlucstran, ademhs, que csta resistencia no es pasiva, sin0 quc puedc scr un punto focal de creacion aut(5noma (Bonfil, 1984). Es ahi donde 10s clementos de 10s distintos pcriodos hist6ricos sc fusionan, reorganinn y rcciclan d e manera aut6noma. LAX agentes dc este proccso pcrtcccn :I la poblacidn m& desprotezida que vive en las zonas urbanas dc Mtxico y en comunidadcs campcsinas.

Con Srccucnci:~, la curandera logra, much0 mcjor quc cl mkdico moderno, restableeer cl cquilibrio multidimensional trastocado por l:i cnfermcdad. Ells CS, litcralmcnte un 'nied-dieus' en cl sentido clasico dc quicn sabc pronunciar (dicere) la mcdida (mcd) adecuada para rcstaurar un cyuilibrio multidi~~~cnsionii l . 'Salud', permitaserne recordar, s c refiere a1 'todo' a travks del gricg,o 'holon'. El dcsco de comprender 10s actos dc rcstauraci6n dc 121 s:iIud por ncccsidad significa sumergirsc cn la cosmologia quc cs su fucnte. Esta visi6n del cosmos es, en bucn:~ mcdida, d e gcnealogia mcsoamcric:ina.

Sciia absurd0 Lratar de aislar clementos indfgcnas 'quimicamcntc puros'. Todas nucstras form:~cioncs culLuralcs llevan 1:i marca de la inter- prctaci6n de las civilisacioncs de la quc habla Bastide. P(xlemos visualizar esta intcrprct:icidn como m~l t ip l c s corrientes dc un rio profundo cuyo caudal ticnc corrientcs rhpidas y lentas, subtcrr5neas y cruzadas. El movin~ento de la supcrficic apenas revcla las profundidadcs. En algunos casos, cl origcn de las grandcs corrientcs si se puedc establccer con claridad. Par21 cllo, las fue~ites primarias son de utilid:~d. LlamAndosc primarias 10s rclatos d c 10s primcros observadores cspafiolcs sobre las culturas indigcnas, tales como 10s de Fray Bernardino d c Skihagun. E n otros casos, cl origen dc las corrientes signifiutivas scr5 [>or sicnipre tcma d c debate.

En rcsumcn, cl sistema simb6lico y cognoscivito de las medieinas popularcs conte~nporAnc:is sc rclaciona casi siernpre con la cosmologia prchisp5nica. AdenlAs, con frecucncia sc rclaciona tarnbikn con I:I n~cdiciria cspanola antigua colonial cn sus formas 'cicntifica' y popular. En csta intcprctacidn d c las civilizaciones, la medicina popu1:ir conteniporhnc:~ CS una exprcsi6n de un pr(3ceso pcrnlanente d c sintcsis y d c apropriaci6n d c 10s clcmentos culturalcs.

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Ahora bien, a pesar dc la multipliddad de clemcntos, cl proceso dc sintesis y dc apropriad6n niucstra una cohcrencia sorprcndcntc. Y es estc todo coherente lo que intento comprcnder a travds de mis estudios sobre las medieinas popularcs y tradicionales de Mexico.

Hay razones para buscar cohcrencia cultural en las mcdicinas popularcs. La mcdicina, en tanto arte para restaurar el cquilibrio multidimensional, centra al individuo en su comunidad y en el mundo. Asi, la prhctica dc la mcdicina reflcja la idcntidad del grupo social y cs cl campo privilcgia- d o para la cxprcsi6n d c la ctnicidad.

Ambito de estudio

Varies autorcs, como Gonzalo Aguirre Beltran, Alfrcdo L6pez Austin, Carlos Vicsca y algunos otros han seiialado ya las dificultadcs con las cualcs se cncuentra quikn quicrc recobrar cl universo simb61ico y la cosmologia implicitos cn cl diagn6stico popular contcmporanco y c11 lab practicas tcrapkuticas. Para quienes no hcmos pcrdido todos nuestros vinculos con la cultura popular, sus practicas mkdicas nos parccen a1 mismo ticrnpo conocidas y extranas. Las practicas co~idianas no> son familiares porquc hcmos crccido cn un mundo en cl quc la genie rcza, conjura c invoca a los santos. En estc mundo cxisic un conccpto dc 'frio' y 'caliente' quc no lienc relacion con la tcmperatura, y la gentc sc cuida d c los 'malos aircs' quc no tiencn nada quc ver con las con- diciones atmosfkricas. AI mismo tiempo, en tanto cientificos o mkdicos, cnfrentamos conccptualmente un mundo que nos es intimamente familiar pero que, a1 mismo tiempo, provoca una ruptura con 10s sistemas d e conocimicnto dominantcs. Esta confrontaci6n rcquicrc dc un doloroso csfuerzo por descubrir las cstructuras cognoscivitas o cl marco cpistemo!6gico de las practicas, 10s rezos, las invocacioncs y cl uso d c plantas medicinalcs, aromaticas y alucinAgenas.

Conccptualmcntc, la medicina traditional es como una trama de la cual m e m o s algunos fragmentos quc dcspicrten nuestra curiosidad, pero no contanios con cl dibujo complcto. El intcnto dc rccobrarla rcquicrc una espccie d e anamncsis que sistcniatice un entramado conceptual (Vicsca, 1986). Una forrna dc lograrlo es entrcvistando curanderas quc cstkn profundamentc arraigadas en sus tradicioncs o quc hayan redbido una

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iniciaci6n espiritual y mistica, para comparar dcspu6s sus afirmaciones con 10s testimonies mhs antiguos disponibles.

A primera vista, las muchas recetas que tienen las curanderas para 16s y bcbedizos, rczos, imprecaciones, invocaciones y preceptos de conducts, asi como la gama de instrucciones para que el enfcrmo tome las porciones, se proteja dc 10s 'malos aires', la envidia o el mal de ojo, pueden parecer la 'taxonomia china' de Borges que hiciera rcir a Foucault. El invcstigador pacicnte solo conseguirh muy gradualmentc sacar a la superficic unos cuantos elementos. En primera instancia estos clemcntos pareccrhn profusos, inconexos, sin intcrrclaci6n. Aqui es precisamcnte cuando debemos combatir la tentacihn dc dcscartar como 'prhcticas mhgicas' todo lo que todavia no podemos interprctar.

La comparaci6n dc nuestros estudios con la fuentes primarias puede rcvelar la tcnaz pcrsistenda dc ciertas formacioncs a lo largo de siglos y una gran capacidad dc apropriaci6n autAnoma (Bonfil, 1984) y d c rcfuncionalizaci6n (L6pcx Austin, 1982). La coherencia que empieza a aparcccr no es ni superficial ni obvia. La coherenda se revela cn las profundas corrientes d e la 'interpretaci6n de civilizacioncs', en la intcrracci6n dc las f'ormaciones prehisphnicas con clemcntos dc la medicina accidental del siglo XVI, con los retos galhicos , asi como con las modcrnas formacioncs culturales y contribucioncs mkdicas.

Mcndonarcmos brcvemcnte algunas prhcticas d c curaci6n que son frccuentes en las medieinas populares. Tomemos por cjcmplo a dona Maria, una curandcra espiritualista del Templo del Sexto Scllo. Una pacientc la consulta porquc se 'siente mal' y picnsa habcr pescado un 'mal airc'.

Primero dofia Maria frota un huevo fresco sobre cl cucrpo d c la paciente para absorber el inal airc. Si la pacientc lo dcsea, dofia Maria 'echa un vistafo' al huevo, rompikndolo en un vaso dc agua. La clara del hucvo prcscnta burbujas, largos f'ilaincntos y cspiralcs. E n algunos casos puedcn aparecer particulas s61idas. Si estas impurczas pcnetran la ycma del huevo, dofia Maria diagnostics que la enfermedad csth 'cchando raid porquc ha enirado cn cl cucrpo.

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Cuando sc analixan cstas prActicas curativas, inicialmentc notamos quc no hay frontera estricta cntre cl diagnhstico y la curaci6n: cl huevo cura a medida que pcrrnite diagnosticar la cnfermcdad. AI n~ i smo tiempo, cl diagn6stico da una profunda visi6n dc las conexiones ocultas quc sc revclan a trav6s dc scrnejanzas: las serncjanzas d e las burbujas con los ojos', de las particulas s61idas con cntidades patol6gicas rnaterializadas, dc la distinci6n entre la clara y la ycma del hucvo con la rclacion cntrc cl cuerpo y su entorno immcdiato. Cuando ve las conexiones quc generan la enfcrmcdad, la curandcra tambikn percibe las posibilidades de deshaccr el mal. Con l'rccuencia, la scsi6n termina cuando al pacicntc sc le da alguna rncdicina o un objeto especial como protecci6n.

Otro proccdimicnto igualmcnie comun en la medidna popular cs la 'lirnpia'. E n ella, la curandera 'limpia' todo el cuerpo del padcnte con un atado d c plantas aromaticas que son capaces dc absorber la cnfcrmcdad. Estc atado se destruye dcspu6s dc la lirnpia, normalmcntc qucrn^indolo. Esta tkcnica cs un cjemplo del principio d c proximidad quc rnencionaremos mfis adelantc.

En otros casos, la curandcra sopla la cabem o las manos del pacicntc o cl sitio en cl quc sicntc cl dolor. Tal vcz mastiquc una hierha con la quc frota la partc del cuerpo que esta afcctada. Tambi6n cs comun curar con las manos, tocando, y hay casos en los que la curandcra sacude con fucrxa al pacicntc. Por ultimo, hay algunas curanderas quc recetan tks medicinales, que ayudan a colocar un fcto en la posid6n correcta para facilitar cl parto.

La fluidcz, la dualidad, la representaci6n simb61ica, la proximidad y la scrncjanxa son tcmas rccurrcntes del sistema dc conocirnicnto que subyace a estas t6cnicas dc curaci6n. Brcvemcnte, vercmos algunas dc ellas.

El cuerpo como foco de entidades animicas fluidas

Scgun la rncdicina traditional, cl cucrpo cs poroso, permeable y esta abicrto a las grandcs corrientcs c6smicas. N o es un paquete de s:nigre, visceras y huesos envneltos en el saco de pie1 que 'tiene el individuo'. Tarnpoco es cl [erreno incrtc dc las modernas graficas dc anatomia. El cucrpo ticne signos dc rclaciAn con cl univcrso quc dcbemos aprendcr a leer. A la invcrsa, cl rnundo exterior cs rico cn scnalcs quc revclan cl pequcno univcrso quc cs cl cuerpo. Los diagn6sticos sc basan en la

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penetraci6n de entidadcs en el cuerpo, o , a la inversa, en el rnovirnicnto d e varias entidadcs que salen del cuerpo.

Uno dc 10s diagn6sticos rnas frecucntcs es la 'perdida del alma'. Esta catcgoria patol6gica, vista a travds de la lente de la profcsi6n rnddica, la ciencia, incluso la teologia, s61o puede descartarse por 'absurda'. C6mo puede un individuo 'perder el alrna' y seguir viviendo? Sin embargo, la 'pkrdida del alrna' es hoy una de las principales categorias patol6gicas dc 10s sisternas rncxicanos dc curaci6n. Ha sido descrita consignada con variaciones en estudios dc carnpo. El diagn6stico dc 'perdida del alrna' significa litcralmente quc sc picrdc cl alrna, quo esta prisionera d c otro scr o que esta vagando.

Aqui no sc trata del alrna unitaria occidcntal. Estc conccpto incluyc una ~nultiplicidad dc entidadcs invisibles y psiquicas que viven en cl cuerpo. E n sus cstudios sobre la influcncia dc la rnedicina negra en Mexico, Aguirre Beltran (1980) advierte la existencia de cuatro componentes psiquicos rnaterialcs del yo. Uno es el alrna del sueno; o t ro la respirad6n; otro rnas, la sornbra; y, por ultirno, el cuerpo mortal.

Incluso Evon Vogt (1965) en sus cstudios sobra Zinacathn en la regi6n rnaya, senala que C'hulel (el alrna maya) tiene hasta trece cornponcntcs. Algunos de cllos pucden her indcpcndientes del cuerpo e interactuar con cl rnundo supernatural.

E n la antigua MesoAmerica, les entidades que animaban el cuerpo ( L 6 p e ~ Austin, 1984) eran visibles y algunas podian salir del cuerpo en distintos rnorncntos d c la vida. Por cjernplo, 'Ihiyoyl' cuya rnorada principal era el higado, podia por rnornentos producir crnanaciones dafiinas a la gente. Algunos individuos fuertes podian producirlas a voluntad y otros involuntariarnente. Estc concepto d c las crnanaciones daninas es uno de los origenes d c la noci6n de 10s 'rnalos aires' y ocasionalrnente dc la 'envidia' corno factores pat6genos.

El Tonalli ' c u p rnorada principal era la cabeza, viajaba d c nochc durantc cl sucno. En cstos viajes, cl Tonalli se aventuraba pur 10s caminos d c 10s seres sobrenaturalcs. Tarnbidn salia del cucrpo durantc el coito y cn ocasiones cuando sc tenia una experiencia inesperada. Hoy esta 'pkrdida d c alrna' aun se relaciona con el resultado de situacioncs

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incsperadas, no ncccsariarnente nqativas. Esta condici6n se conoce con cl nornbre de 'susto', un acontecirniento que causa la pdrdida del alrna y/o dc la sornbra.

Dcbido a la identificad6n inadecuada del concepto 'alrna' con Tonalli cn las fuentes primarias (Sahagun, Ruiz de Alardn, etc) cl equivalentc contempordnco distorsiona un tkrrnino quc se origin6 en la tradici6n cat61ica de 10s conquistadores y que tiene muy poco que ver con el conccpto prehisphnico original.

La tcrcera entidad psiquica era Tcyolial' y cstaba concentrada principal- rnentc en el corazdn, considerado cl lugar de la rdzon, la inteligencia, cl conocirnicnto y la rnenioria. Esta c5 la unica entidad quc, cuando abandonaba el cucrpo, producia la rnuerte.

Es intercsante scfialar que en la posesi6n divina corno la conccbian los aztecas (L6pez Austin, 1984) cl dios poseia a1 Teyolia (cl coraz6n) y no a cabcza, corno se conceptualixa en las tradicioncs africana y afroarneri- cana.

Rccientemcnte, un rn6dico quc hacia su servicio en una aldca cn la frontera de la sclva lacandona al sureste de Mdxico habl6 dc c6rno sus pacientcs expresaban sus sintomas: 'Doctor, tcngo un dolor aqui (tocando cl corazhn), pero se mueve para ach (tocando cl cuello) y tarnbi6n pasa para ach (senalando las piernas)' ... La fluidcz dc las cntidadcs animicas, quc tienc un centro prelcrentc, pero no fijo, es cvidcnte cn este caso.

Las dualidades fluidas

En la tradici6n mesoamericana, cl cuerpo tiene caractcristicas rnuy distintas del cucrpo anat6rnico de la medicina moderna. En aquclla, por ejernplo, el interior y exterior no csthn separadas por la barrera hcrrnktica (ie la picl. Entrc cl exterior y el interior cxiste un intercarnbio continue que 10s mkdicos prol'esionalcs dc hoy no cornprcderian. Lo material y 10 inrnatcrial, 10 exterior y lo interior, intcractuan constante- rncnte, y en esta intcracciAn es dondc se dan las categorias patoI6gica.s y las prhcticas terapkuticas. Para caracterizar un rasgo recurrcnte del

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sistema d c conocimiento nlesoamcricano podriamos hablar dc 'polandad dc opucstos complcmentarios'. Para nosotros, kste es el cstilo que da a la cosmologia mesoamericana su cohcrencia.

En tal sistcma dc conocimicnto no cs sorprendentc descubrir quc la cnfermedad, una cntidad abstracts e inmaterial, asumc forma material. Una dc las prhcticas tcrapkuticas que mucstran mas claramentc la materialidad dc la enfcrmedad es la curaci6n por succi6n, quc consistc en extracr la cnfcrnledad del cuerpo succionAndola. Las curanderas que trabajan dc esta manera dicen quc extraen insectos, gusanos, incluso ranas y culebras, pcro 10s tkrminos que utilizan revelan cl aspccto simb6lico d c lo que hacen: 'Salen cosas como gusanos, como pequenas ranas'. La palabra 'como' mucstra simb61icamente que lo que sali6 Sue la cnferrnedad n~aterializada y quc era 'semejante' a uno dc csos animales.

G. Aguirre Bcltrin cxplica cstos proccdimientos comuncs mediantc la nocihn d e 'aceion simbhlica'. La que dcnominamos 'realidad objetiva' no es importante como lo cs la cadena dc significados simbhlicos. La materializaci6n dc la cnfermedad en un objeto - un insccto, pedazos dc hucso, vidrio o cabcllo, por ejempio - significa que se puede destruir, quemar o tirar. Indica tambi6n quc la cnfcrmcdad inmaterial fluyc hacia cl polo material y s e transforms en materia. El bicnestar, la intcgridad, la 'salud' dependen del cquilibrio entre el flujo material e inmaterial, cntre el cuerpo y su entorno. E n cstc fluir, 10s seres que se mueven entre el interior y el exterior no actuan solamente en una dimension material, sino tambikn en la dimension simb61ica. Esto ocurre incluso cuando hay semejanzas quimicas entre 10s remcdios mkdicos modernos y las pocioncs quc recctan las curanderas.

AI respecto, 10s datos dc las fuentes primarias mucstran tambikn quc cstamos en presencia dc una formaci6n pcrsistente en la medicina mcsoamericana. La conquista apenas habi'a terminado cuando Fray Bcrnardino de Sahagun cn su IIistoria General de las Cosas de Nueva Espaiia, dcscribi6 las distintas practicas d c los 'titici' o m6dicos aztccas: ' L a que saca also dc a l w n ... Ella primer0 n!c~.stica ajcnjo (estafiaie) y con kste rocia y restriep a1 paciente. En sepida 10 va sobando con la m n o ... dc 10s lugores q~de va sobando va sacando cosas, ya un pederna!, ya un pedazo dc obsidians, ya un papel, ya un f r a p e n i o dc pino (ocoie)

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o cualq~lier otra cosa. Cimndo ha .sacado esto, algunos s m s con ello ... ' (Sahagun, Apendicc 111, p.908).

La proximidad y la semejanza: herramientas terapkuticas

El principio dc proximidad rice cl diagn6stico dc las causas dc enfermedad y la estructuraci6n dc los procedimicntos terapkuticos.

Por cjcmplo, dona Rita, una curandera de Michoacfin, relata que tanto su madre como su padre muricron cuando era nifia. Suspiro miicho y me sicnio tristc, dice. Para curarsc, coloca un trapo rojo con alcohol aqui ccrca dc mi corazbn. El uso del elemento de proximidad 1c da aliviu. Tambikn sc vc cuando se colocan hicrbas sobrc cl pecho pura linzpiar los pii1t~zonc.s.

La proximidad, cn este sistema cogniscitivo, no es una relaciAn cxterna, sino mfis bien la cxprcsi6n dc un ncxo cntre las cosas. Las propiedadcs curativas y patol6gicas sc comunican cntre si a traves dc la proximidad. Debido a que la naturalcza ha colocado dos cosas juntas, sus propiedad- CS se transfieren.

Otro principio que opera en varios remcdios es quc 10 quc es pareddu produce algo pareddo. El cabcllo quemado se administra para combatir cl insomnia. La insensibilidad del carbello quemado sc transrnitc a la persona que bebe la poci6n y duerme mejor. Ademas, el cabcllo, por proximidad, csia rekidonado con cl Tonalli ' quc, en el sucno, vagarfi d c nochc rccorriendo los caminos sobrenaturales. Ambos tienen su lugar en la cabeza y las propiedadcs d c uno (Tonalli) se transmutan al otro (cl cabello).

Otros cjcmplos dc este principio incluycn la rccomcndaci6n dc comer sesos d e zorra o d e comadreja a fin de adquirir las caracteristicas dc cstos (Viesca, 1984). Por otra pane, cl cabcllo dc 10s muertos sc administra a veccs para quc la enferrncdad muera.

Algunos procedimicntos curativos utilizan el principio d e que lo quc cs sen~ejante producira algo semejante (Viesca, 1984) y se basan en la similitud d e 10s aspcctos morfolhgicos. Talcs scmejanzas dc forma son

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la base para cl uso dc la T~o tzoca ihuitl (hierba forunculo o Euphorbia heliscopal) cuyas hojas cstan llenas de tumoraciones para curar forunculos; o bien cl uso de la picdra extel, color sangre, para dctcner las hemorrugias.

La Yolloxochitl (Taluunl(1 mexicana) o flor del cora76n, que tiene la forma d e kste, a mcnudo se rcceta a quienes sufren de problemas cardiacos. La flor dc coraz6n tambi6n se utiliza para tratar cl retraso mental, segun cl CAdice Badiano. Esto ilustra la tcoria cosmol6gica mesoamencana dc quc cl Tcyolia, cuyo centro cs el coraz6n, era considerado cl loco de las funciones mentales.

La noci6n de la semejanza tambi6n puede aplicarsc a las cualidadcs del elemento terapkutico. Por ejemplo, el Cuauhalahuac (Grewia Terebin/hin;i;cea) o hrbol resbaloso sc utiliza en partos dificiles para ayudar a cxpulsar el fetu y la placenta. En los Tuxtlas, en la actualidad (Olavarrieta, 1977), la doradilla, una flor que se abre cuando se 1c coloca cn agua, sc coloca debajo dc la cama d c una mujcr en trance dc parto. Conforme se abre la flor, asi tambikn lo hace el utcro y el parto se realiza mhs rapidamente.

Reflexion especular en la medicina popular

Analizaremos otro tipo lie relaci6n en el sistema cognoscitivo dc la medicina traditional mexicana: la relaci6n d c cosas quc son semejanles cntrc si pero que no ticncn una cercania fisica. Entendcremos mejor el concepto, si recordamos la idea de las imagenes dc espejo. Las cosas se relacionan o conectan a trav6s de una rclaci6n dc 'reflejo' y, a1 ser cspejos, se imitan entre si en todo cl universe.

U n ejemplo del reflejo es la crecncia, en la medicina popular, d c que la deformaci6n congknita del labio leporino sc debe a una influcncia maligna d e los eclipses lunares. Se piensa que, cuando la luna es 'devorada' durante un eclipse, 10s labios del nino pueden ser comidos por la luna. Angela, la madre de una nina con labio leporino lamenla no haber seguido el consejo dc no salir en una noche d e eclipse lunar quando cstaba encinta.

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Por el proceso d c reflejo especular entre dos fen6nemos vinculados por este sistcma cognoscitivo particular, su hija result6 'mordida' en el labio en la misma forma en que la luna es 'mordida' durante cl eclipse.

El universo sc reproduce a si mismo a travks del espacio y da origen a un reacoplamiento entrc el macrocosmos y el microcosmos. Es un juego d e reflejo eterno a travks del cual sc encuentran y emplean 10s rccursos curativos.

La curac ih con olores

Los olorcs agradablcs y desagradables son hasta hoy un importante componente terapkutico d c medicinas populares con profundas raices prchisphnicas. Aqui, se manif'iesta la acci6n dc la atracci6n y la repulsi6n. A menudo sc utiliza un perfume agradable para inducir la entidad maligna a salir d e un cuerpo enfermo. El perfume atrae. Asimismo, muchas d e las rccctas actuales rccomiendan olores nauseabun- dos como protccci6n cn contra dc los 'malos aires' o 10s 'mains espi'ritus' que dstos olores fdtidos pucdcn repcler. En presencia d c olorcs desagradablcs, 10s cntes intrusos y malkvolos son incapaces d e intro- ducirse en el nuclco fluido y permeable, si bien pcrmanente, que cs un scr humane.

Estos principios cognoscitivos no son mutuamente excluyentcs. A menudo se asocian cn el proceso curativo o en cl diagn6stico. AI estudihrseles en su conjunto, aportan formas d c comprender la persona, el grupo social al que pertenece, las fucrzas d c la naturaleza, la rclaci6n entre lo sagrado y lo profano y la relacion con la sociedad en general. Esto sigue siendo asi aun cuando la sociedad confine la medicina popular a 10s mhrgencs sudales, a una sobrevivicncia clandestina y a la prActica secreta por temor al ridicule. E n tanto cosmologias sub- ordinadas pertenecientcs a1 complejo idcol6gico d e la sociedad mcxicana actual (L6pez Austin, 1982)Acsafian todo intento d c homogeneizar los conceptos de salud, enfermedad y curacion.

Recordemos que cicrtos autores (por ejcmplo, Baytelman) consideran que casi el 30% d e la poblaci6n mcxicana utiliza talcs terapias tradicionales.

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El predominio de las mujeres en el curanderismo

En su reciente cstudio sobre 10s curanderos en el 'Atlas d c la Mcdicina Tradicional', C. Zolla cita un 65% dc curanderas mujeres en Mexico. Esta cifra coincide con otros datos relacionados. Sahagun parecc adjudicar esta funci6n primordialmcnte a las mujercs. Varies inves- tigadores tambikn han reportado datos similarcs. Ruiz de Alarchn, un saccrdote que viaj6 por el pais en cl siglo XVII en busca d e las 'supersticiones de 10s indios', tan~bikn advirti6 el gran numero dc mujeres quc dcscmpenan fundoncs mkdicas en el territorio mcxicano quc visit6

Los cstudios etnolhgicos y las monografias sobre rcgioncs culturalcs en Mcsoamerica incuycn muchas cntrcvistas a mujcrcs shamanas, a curandcras, parteras hierbcras. Finalmente, una serie d c estudios sobre los cspiritualistas trinitarios marianos confirma la absoluta nlayoria dc mujcres en los niveles mas elevados donde las encontramos como guias, curandcras y fundadoras d c csta religi6n popular (Finklcr, 1976; Lagarriaga, 1976; Kcarney, 1977; Ortiz E., 1976).

A cste predominio num6rico corresponde una preponderancia tambikn cualitativa. Datos recicntcs comunicados por C. Viesca scnalan quc la mas alta autoridad dc los 'graniceros' (un tipo de shaman quc trabaja con la lluvia y el trueno), e n la rcgiOn volcanica cercana a la capital mcxicana, es mujer y quc cl oficio se tansmitc por genealogia fcmenina.

Las mcdicinas popular y traditional mcsoamericanas mucstran otra difercncia definitiva con la medidna institudonal: Ici nutoridad no cstd casi e x c l ~ ~ s ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ m e i - i f e en nuinos dc hombres por el contrartio, frec~ientcmetztc esth en nuznos dc n1~ijerc.s.

Si a lo anterior agrcgamos datos d e lo que se conoce como medicina 'domkstica', que algunos invcstigadores estan ahora tomando en cuenta (Klcinman, 1980; Zolla, 1987), tenemos s61ida confirmaci6n del predominio dc las mujercs. Estc tipo dc mcdicina 'domc'stica' incluyc cl cuidado durante las Cases iniciales d c la enfermedad dc un micmbro dc una familia cxtendida. Por 10 general, esto lo hacen mujercs. La mayoria d c cstas enfcrmcdades nuncu llegan a 10s profesionales, advierten 10s

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investigadores, pues cl cuidado que dan cstas doctoras vernhcular rcsuclve el problcma.

Con frccuencia, la eficacia comprobada dentro del circulo familiar cs 10 clue hacc a una mujcr curandera. Con cl licmpo, pucdcn venir peticione'i dc vccinos, luprcnos , micmbros d c la comunidad. MAs adelanic, cl conocimiento dc sus habilidadcs puede llegar mAs alld dc 10s limitcs del Estado, incluso del p i s . (Tal es cl casu, por cjemplo, dc Maria Sabina. d c la sierra Mazatcca dc Oaxaca).

Es evidcnte, como sc ha scnalado en trabajos anteriorcs (Marcos, 1983). que la selccci6n dc un mkdico popular no lienc nada quc vcr con la forma en que alguien clige scr m6dico en cl Ambilo institutional. En la niedicina traditional, el llamado llega principalmcnte dc la comunidad niisma, d e los bencficiarios quc dcpositaron su confianza en la curandera.

Conclusiones

Para abordar la cosmologia mesoanicricana cs neccsario dcjar dc lado a s categorias occidentalcs. En clla, lo 'religiose', lo 'social', lo 'politico', lo 'econ6mico' y lo 'familiar', cstdn intimamcnte entrelazados. Si uno dcsea extraer el hilo dc la 'religi6n'. aparece la 'politics'; podemos crcer haber cncontrado la 'religi6n'. y aparcce lo 'ccon6mico'. N o es posiblc! desprender las aciuak's med;cinas populares del univcrso simbolico dc la cosmologia global quo Ie da a los ritiiales cura/i~*os v ~ d a y signiftcado. Crco que cs cvidente que, aqui, la prhctica curativa no es simplemcnte

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un acto mkdico realizado conforme a normas cientificas con miras a causar un efecto fisico.

A1 abordar nuestra medicina y colocarla en su cosmologia tenemos que subrayar los siguientes puntos:

1. No estamos ante 10s elemcntos sobrevivientes de un viejo orden destinado a ser absorbidos por la vida moderna. Los ritos curativos no son formadones arcaicas o 'vestigios sociol6gicos' destinados a ser prcservados en museos o sujetos a1 ridiculo per la medicina moderna. Estamos en presencia dc formaciones culturales de gran vitalidad y capacidad d e evoluci6n. Lo que es mas, una creciente pkrdida dc credibilidad del mito del desarrollo nos alienta a entrar en contacto con nuestras tradiciones.

2. Asimismo, no estamos frente a un 'folclor' pintoresco yuxtapuesto a nuestra realidad moderna. Los meticulosos estudios descriptivos dc cicrtas tradiciones ctnogrhficas que, por n o lanzar interpretaciones, se limitan a anotar gestos, costumbres e instrumentos, corren el riesgo d c poncr cl acento en cl caracter 'ex6tico' de estos elementos.

3. Por ultimo, debemos comprender que, en tkrminos generales, las medicinas populares no son comparables con la medicina accidental moderna. Esttin situadas en otro piano. Ocupan un espacio distinto aun cuando es posible detectar Areas en las que se traslapan. No es posible constituir una teoria dc las medicinas populares basadas en estos traslapes, aunque pueda ser un hecho que las hierbas contienen substandas quimicas que utiliza la medicina moderna en circunstancias semejantes o que la curandera o m6dico popular tiene cl 'talent0 de un psicoterapeuta'. Las medidnas populares no dcben entenderse como una extcnsi6n d e las catcgorias m6dicas modernas, sino como opuestas a la medicina moderna, especialmente en su sistema cognoscitivo subyacente.

Referencias

. Aguirre Beltrfn, G., Medicina y Magisi (Mexico: INI-SEI', 1980)

. Ilaslide, Roger, The African Religions of Brazil (Inndoil: John Hopkins Univ Press, 1978)

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. Baytclniari, Bernardo, Etnobothnica en cl estado de Morelos (Mexico: SEP-1NAl I . n.d.)

. Bonfil. Guillermo. '1.o proprio y lo ajeiio'. in A. Colonibres (ed). La Cultura Popu1:ir. (Mexico: Red Jonas-Prcmia hditoria, 1984)

Kinkier. Kaja. Espirilualist Healers in Mexico (Amherst: Bcrgin and G a ~ e y . 1985) . Kearncy, Michael, 'Oral Performance hy Mexican Spiritualists in Possession Trance'. .lourn;il of Liitin Aniericiin 1 ~ 1 r e ( 3 2 ) pp30'>-32Ã ̂. Kicinn~an. Arthur. Patients ;md Healers in the Context of Culture (Berkeley: University uf California I'rcss. 1980) . I-agiirriga A., Isabel. Medicinsi Tradicional y Kspiritismo' (Mexico: SE1'-Sc~ent;is N"191) . l-opez Austin. Alfredo, Textos de Medicina Silhuall (Mexico: SbP-Sctcntas. 1971): Ciierpo l lun~i ino e Ideologia (Mexico: UNAM, 1982); 'Cosniovision Salud entre l;is Mexicas', in A. Lopez Austin, C. Viesea (eds) Ilistoria General de la Medicina en Mexico. F o n ~ I (Mexico: Mexico Antiguo. 1984) . Marcos, Sylviii. 'Medieinas paralclas: Potential Popular para la Salud Mental'. in Marcos, S. (ed). Maniconlios y I'risiones (Mexico: Rededicciones, 1983) . Margulis. Mario, '1.a Cultura Popular', in A. Colomhres (cd). La Cultura Populzir. op.cit.

Oliiviirrieta. M. M;igi;i en 10s Tuxl1:is (Mexico. IN1, 1977) . Ruiz de Al:irc6n. H. Treatise on the lle:ilth Superstitions l'hsit Today live Among Hie Indians Native to This New Spain, 1629, translated and edited hy J. Richard Andrews ;ind Ross I lassig (Normiin: University of Oklahoma Press) . Saliagun. F.G.. IIistoria General de 121s Cosas de Niieva Espaha (Mexico: Porruii, 1982) . Vicsca. Carlos, 'El 'l'iat;imiento de las Entennedades nientales en el C6dice Radiano'. in Ksliidios de Etnoboliinicn y Antropologin Medica I1 (Mexico: IMEPLAN. 1970): I'revenci6n y Terapeuticas Mcxicas', in Lhpez Austin y Carlos Vicsca (cds), Histiiii:~ General de la Mcdecin;~ en Mexico, op.cit: '13 Medico Mexica', in IIislori~i General de 1st

Medicina en Mexico, op.cit; 'DC la Medicina Indigena a la Medicina Tradicion;il', in Mexico Indigena, No 9 (Mexico: INI, 1986) . Vogt, E.. 'Zinacanteco Soul' in Man, Volume LXV (London, 1965) . Zolla, C., 'Terapeutas, Enfcrmcdades y Recursos Vegetales', in Mexico Indigena, op.cil: 'Referenda a1 Atlas d e Mcdicina Tradicional (en prepiriici6n) comentario heclio poi Zolla a la autora en la presentaci6n dc su trabajo. 13 Marzo 1987, Colegiio d e Mexico.

ll~iienlc: 131 Gallo 1luslr;ido. Mexico. Nos 1350 y 1351, M;yo 1988. An english version ol tliis paper appeared i n Developnient: Seeds o f Change (1987:l) pp.20-251

(suite de lu page 3)

.Mcxi(~~ie. L e 'tncdecin' tradi/ionnt,l ui a ' l~ i i refituure les, lien', rompus iivcc 1c /i\.w dilicat de ILI vie. Pour cclui-l2 - o n pliitfit celie-la -, lei santi esi nnssi hu'ii

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Quelle culture, quel dkveloppement?

p i ~ r S.A.R. llassan Ibn '1'alal Prince hkritier de Jordnnie Palais Royal Amman, Jordiinic

Jc suis hcurcux dc in'ijdrc'iscr ;i vous it l'occ;^ion dc la tcnuc du colloquc 'Quclle culture, qucl dkveloppement' organise par 1c Forum culture1 afro-arabe. J e pcnsc quc la forme interrogative donnkc 2 la formulation du sujet du colloque nc relkvc point du hasard. Cctte Ibrtnulation revet une profonde signification en meme temps qu'elle rkvkle une grande modestic.

Dcpuis quatre dkccnnics, Ie concept dc 'dkveloppemcnt' cst dcvcnu d'utilisation courantc notamnlent dans les pays nouvellcn~ent indkpen- dants. Lorsqu'il a commence 3 Etre utilise, il n'y avail qu'une infimc minorite d c gens qui n'cntrctcnaicnt aucun doute quant ii la possibilitk ct au dksir d c rcjoindrc les pays 'avancks'. Le 'dkvcloppement' signifiait alors I'imitation et la copie dc 1'Occidcnt. E l je crois que jusqu'i present, il est dcs gens qui croient que telle est la signification du dkveloppement. C'cst pourquoi 1c concept est devenu synonyme iT'oeci(1enialisa~ion' et dc 'modcrr~i~ation' , etc ... Lcs indicalcurs du developpcment etaicnt et dcmcurcnt, pour une grande part, des indicatcurs '6conomiqucs' c l quantitatifs. Lc 'revcnu moyen par capita' cst devenu un indicatcur sacro-saint pour tous les efforts d c develop-

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pemcnt national. Lcs 'strategies (x'onomiques' et les 'plans quinquen- naux' sont devenus aussi immuables que les regles de grammairc dans a littkrature du d6veloppcment.

Quatrc dkcennies dcpuis quo 1e Tiers Monde a entamk uno activity SilSvrouse en vuc du dtSvcloppenicnt. C'est un laps dc temps court au regard dc la longue histoire humainc. I1 cst cependant raisonnablc par rapport i la vie de notre generation et il suffit pour marqucr un arret, rkflkchir, faire 1c bilan des realisations, des kcliecs et des deceptions.

Deux questions hantent nos esprits en tant que citoyens du Tiers Monde. La premiere est de savoir si nous avons reussi i empruntcr la voie la meilleure vers Ie dkveloppcnient. La seconde conccrne la place occupke ou Ic role jou6 par 'h culture' dans nos efforts de dkveloppement. Permeucz-moi done de tenter de repondre aux deux interrogations.

Le resultat 1c plus important dcs ideologies de dLveloppement d'une manikre absolue, qu'ellcs soient socialistes ou capitalistes ou panachkcs, cst semble-t-il, la nouvcllc prise de conscience du fait quc la 'pauvret6' et l u 'miskre humainc' ne sont ni un 'falum' ni uno 'volont6 divine'.

E t c'cst ainsi que se sont dvaporees toujours ces vieilles cl fausscs croyances qui faisaient d e certains peuples, des pcuplcs 'klus' et d'autres des pcuplcs 'maudits' en cc qui concerne 1c progrks et la prosp6ritL. Commc alternatives aux premieres se son1 enradnkcs des croyanccs scion lesquelles tous les hommes et toutes les socikt6s humaincs sont capable:; dc se dkvelopper et d'ameliorcr leurs affaires. Ce nouveau credo est cc qui a permis I'affirmation des volontks nationales dans les pays nouvellement independants en vuc d e mobiliser les potentialilks et entamcr les efforts d c developpement. Lcur espoir urgent et imm6dial etait d e vaincre Ie trio execrable: 'pauvrete, ignorance et maladie'. Leur cspuir ensuite etait d'iirracher leurs socikt6s i la stagnation pour les mettrc sur une voic dynamiquc d e progrks. Tout cela 6tait accompagne d c la conviction que la planification consciente et dirigke vers des objectit's ktait dc nature A realiser en quclques dkccnnics cc qui aurait necessitd d c longs s l ides dc lent dCveloppcment spontanil

Lcs deux premieres dkcennies dc la p6riode post-indkpcndance A la suite dc la guerre 1939-1945 ont represent6 un 'moment d'enthousiasmc' dans

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1c Tiers Mondc. Notre confiance en nous-memes e t en nos independan- ccs naissantes 6tait in6branlablc. Nous avons ddifid de nouvellcs institutions dans I'cnthousiasmc et nous avons dlargi les pouvoirs dc 1'Etat dans I'enthousiasme. Nous avons rcjetd ou ignore nos traditions locales authentiqucs au profit dc nouvclles traditions dans I'enthou- siasmc. Bref, durant les dkccnnies cinquante et soixante, nous avons tout fait dans une enihousiasme indcscriptible.

Au cours dcs dkccnnics soixante-dix et quatre-vingt, 1c Tier5 Monde a VLCU un moment compl~temcnt different - un moment de dkscspoir. Au cours dc ccs deux ddccnnies, nous avons d6couvcrt que 1c moment d'enthousiasme pass6 ne nous avail pas men& loin. Malgrc toutc l'activitk qui a accompagnk 1e precedent moment d'enihousiasme. Ie dynamisme qui en a result6 dtait infime ou inexistant; bien plus, dans curtains cas, nous avons assist6 2 un retour en arriere.

Nous avons d6couvcrt que I'indkpcndancc nationale n'est pas une panac6e centre toutes lcs maladies sociales et que 1'Etat n'est pas un reservoir dc sagesse.

Nous a w n s d6couvert yuc nous pouvions pcrdre noire 'authenticit6 traditionnclle' sans acqukrir pour autant la 'modernity', quc nous sommcs devenus des imitatcurs, non des crdateurs et quc meme dans nos imitations d'autrui, nous avons 6t6 d c pietres imitatcurs.

La premiere g6n6ration des pikes dc I'inddpcndancc a d6couvert qu'il etait beaucoup plus facile d c mobiliser nos peuplcs contrc Ie gouvcrne- mcnt Stranger que d e Ieur apprcndre 2 sc gouverncr eux-memes. Trks rapidcment, des militaires d'une generation plus jeunc, presses ou aventuriers, sc sont rdvoltes contre les pkres d c l'indkpendance. Mais ccs militaircs aussi ont dkcouvert qu'il d a i t bcaucoup plus facile dc s'emparer du pouvoir que dc l'exercer avec sagcsse.

Nous autrcs dans 1c Tiers Monde a w n s essayd Ie capitalisme et 1c socialisme et tous Ics systkmcs intcrmediaircs possibles, apres en avoir dkbattu. Nous avons essay6 la centralisation en regard dc la dkcentralisa- lion cn matikrc d e planification, favorisd Ics importations a u lieu d c nous diriger vcrs les cxportations, centrd les cl'forts sur l'industralisation iiu lieu dc les ccntrer sur l'agriculturc, la strategic qui consiste 2 comp-

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ter sur soi en regard de la strategic dc I'ouverture. En vkrit6, je ne puis imaginer 'quclque chose ayant trait au dkveloppement' au sujct duqucl nous n'ayons discutd et que nous n'ayons pas essay6 de telle ou de telle auire mani6re dans tel ou tel pays du Tiers Monde. Dans beaucoup de cas, toutes ces choses on1 kt6 cssaykcs dans le meme pays.

Lorsque je regarde la moisson de tous ccs efforts effr6nds d c dkveloppe- ment, jc ne peux quc constater 1c meme rdsultat, c'cst-A-dire que la moisson a 6t6 trCs maigre.

11 est vrai que rares sont les pays du Tiers Monde qui ont rkussi h atteindre 1c seuil du club des pays industrialists, je fais allusion prkciscment A ces pays surnommks 'les petits tigrcs' A I'Ouest et au Sud de l1Asie, tels que la Corde, Taiwan, Hong-Kong, Singapour et la Malaisie. La vkrit6 amkre, c'cst que la majorit6 du reste des pays du Tiers Monde est demeurke pauvre et en crisc. L'kc;trt entrc 1c Nord et 1e Sud au lieu de se retr6cir s'aggrandit.

Les dcttes du Sud se sent accumuldes A un rythme astronomique sans prdckdent dans les annkes 80 pour atteindrc 1c chiffre fatidique dc 1.500 milliards dc dollars. Plus grave encore, l'intcret annuel d c cette dettc rcprkscntc actucllcmcnt Ie double de tout cc que le Sud recoil du Nord conime aide extericure. Non moins cffrayant reste 1c fait qu'aprks quairc dkcennies d'indiSpendance et les efforts etTr6n6s d e d6vcloppement, cer- tains pays du Sud ont connu des famines sur unc large kchelle sans precedent dans l'histoire de notre generation. D'autrc part, la majcure panic des conflits, depuis 1945, a kclate sur les champs du Sud. La plupart dc ces conflits sc font par procuration, lcs puissances du Nord restant en rctrait. Ccs gucrres ont fait dcs nlillions de morts, d c bless6s et autrcs vietimes.

Quc peut-on dire de cc bilan des quatrc d6ccnnics de dkveloppement dans 1c Tiers Monde? L'ecart s'agrandit cntrc riches et pauvres, des deltes qui s'accumulcnt, des famines qui sc propagent. C'est un bilan maigrc. Laisscz-moi vous dire quc 1'un des l'acieurs csscntiels qui sont dcrrikre cc bilan triste est ]'absence de la culture de l'kquation du dkveloppement conime nous l'avons compris et exerck durant les quatrc dernikres decennics. La litterature du d6vcloppement prkcocc a totalcment enf'oui ccttc operation dans dcs definitions economiqucs en

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confondant d6vcloppcment et 'croissance Cconomique' et rarcment la dimension sociale a 616 prise en consideration. E t dans les rares plans tie d6vcloppcment, ou la 'culture' a 6t6 cit6e, elle a 616 r6duitc i dcs factcurs quantifiables', tels que Ie nombre de bibliothkques, dc theatres, d c sallcs d e cinema, dc m u s k s et 1c nonlbrc des livres imprimis, etc.

Pour moi, commc jc 1e crois pour vous tous, Ie sens et Ie role dc la culture renlcrment plus que cela. Dans son sens Ie plus large, la culture rent'ermc un systemc symbolique dc valeurs, de critkres et d e regles d e conduite qui rkgisscnt et rationnaliscnt la comprkhcnsion des gcns, leurs pensd'es, Icurs positions et leurs comportemcnts, que cc soit au nivcau dcs nipport dc l'hommc avec son scmblable ou cclui dcs peuples cntrc eux ou encore avcc la nature et par-deli la nature.

J c suis naturellc~nent consdent de I'autrc acceptation d e la culiurc en tant que potcnticl et incarnation pcrmancntc dc la crCativit6 de chaquc peuplc dans les lettrcs et les arts. Qu'clle soit comprise dans son sens large ou ktriqu6, la culture reste la grande absente dc I'kquation du dkvcloppemcnt clans 1c Tiers Monde. Nous avons 6chou6 dans I'cffort dc Her culture, economic et politique, nous avons clissod6 ccs trois concepts et avcc cette dissociation n~alheureuse, il n'cst pas surprcnant que nous ayons perdu aujourd'hui 1c chcmin d c I'tconomic et dc la politique. Diins nos efforts soutenus pour dCveloppcr I'Cconomie, nous avions oublik I'hoinmc ou plutfit nous I'avions chassk dc I'kquation, dans les meillcurs des cas, nous en avions tail unc main-d'oeuvrc productrice ou tout simplemcnl un 'animal, o u une bouche A noussir'.

J e crois que si, dans noire approche d c 1'6conomiquc et du politique, nous avions consid6r6 Ies gens comme dcs etres humains qui sent vraimcnt l'essence m t m e de l'int6rt1, nos efforts de d6veloppement auraicnt 6t6 conqus, formul6s, gdrds et appr6ci6s d'unc mani6rc tout 2 fait diSl'6rentc.

Permettez-moi d'etre plus precis en citant un exemple ou deux: 1c ¥i\¥itLn dcs valours cst 1c I'ond dc toute culture. Cc sont Ics v;ilcurs qui rkgisscnt Ies buts rcchcrchC's et Id'gitimes des individus ct dcs collectivit6s dans louic sociktk. Cc sont clles qui donnent 2 cette recherche et 3 ces buts leur force et leur sens. J c cloute fort qu'un planif'icalcur tSconomique dans Ies pays du Tiers Mondc sc soil pose

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un jour cettc question: Quelles sont les valeurs essentiellcs qui ont cours dans la sociktk? et ccs valeurs sont-elks conformes aux objectifs du Plan? sinon, que peut-on faire pour changer 1e cours d e ces valeurs ou rectifier les objectifs du plan? Je poursuis mon questionncment, pourquoi cet engouement dc nos planificateurs pour des mod?les d c d6vcloppement originaires dc l'occident, conformes 3 la culture occidcn- tale seulement? Pourquoi avons-nous d61aisse notre patrimoine traditionnel qui dcvrait, au contraire, etre le point de depart sur lequel nous pouvons construire'

Mon obsession landnantc c'cst que, en I'absence de la culture qui donnc Ie sens, I'operation dc dkveloppcment reste sans sens. Lorsque nos planificatcurs traitcnt les fils de nos pcuples comme des simples chiffres, ccs dcrniers rkpondent comme des chiffres, se multiplicnt commc des chiffres, consomment davantage comme des chiffres. Avcc ou sans raison, cela ne pouvait etre qu'un pari perdu non seulement pour nos planificatcurs mais (Sgalement pour nos peuples.

Mon appcl, c'est qu'on rende I'homme et les gens en tant qu'etres humains 3 l iquat ion de dkveloppement, c'est-i-dire que nous intro- duisions la culture dans ccttc equation. Sans la culture, ce qu'on appcllc 'ddvcloppement' restera un jcu absurde et extremcment cofiteux. Appliquer tout cela reste 1'un des grands dkfis que vous affrontez dans cc colloque. Le point d e depart, peut-Etre, est que nous nous int6rcs- sions au 'dkveloppement dc la culture' en premier lieu ou cn mEmc temps pour que nous realisions 'la culture du dkveloppement'. Mon appcl est e n r6alit6 un appcl pour un troisikme moment dans notrc Tiers Mondc: ni un moment d'cnthousiasme, ni un moment d e d6sespoir mais un moment rkaliste et humaniste. Laissez-nous aborder Ie vingt- et-uniemc siecle avcc dcs societks plus saines et avec des cultures plus humaines. Sans cela nous ne pourrons jamais aspirer 3 un vrai dkvclop- pcment.

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ifclii dossier 71 . may/june 1989 northisouth space

How to ruin a country: the case of Togo

by Ricliard Gerster Goldistrasse 1 S805 Richterswit, Switzerland

Absfract In tlie mid- 70s, tin' pliosphate boom made Togo feel and appear .somdliai 'ricli'. This lend to dreams of indnstri(;liziition on the western model, aitrcict~~i

fbi 'eip investors, and developed comiption. As a result, T o p ' s debt today reaches US$ one hilion. Adj/;,sttn~~nt policies impose drastic cuts in social sm7'ce.s. 'I'lie 7k)golese people pay the cost of wrong policies. This is U familiar story. What is interesting, in the following article, is tlie minute documentation, through three case studies, o f tlie mechanisms of cm announced bankruptcy. lbgo was the victim o f inscrupulous investors - overoptimistic market 'studies', no competitive bidding, grossly inj7i1te(/ cost of investment; of bad government - part of tlie surplus cost financed socially useless expenditures und corruption; and protection of foreign pverninents, like the Swiss one and its sclime o f Export Risk Guarantee witlwut diicli tlie tliree projects described liere \t~ou/d not have been implemented. Money makers being h t tliey tire, a lieii\y responsibility rests on official protectors of m~il~le~~elopmcnt.

Comment ruiner un pays? Le cas du Togo

Resume': Vers Ie milieu des unn6e.s 70, Ie boom plio.~p/i(itier fit que Ie Togo se sentit 'riclie', et fut perp c o m e tel. Celn ulimenta des r k s d'industrialization a l'occiiIenta!e, (ittira des investissews itrangus et dheloppa /a con~iption. Resultat: /a dette du atteint mjourd 'liiii 1 milliard dc dollars US. Les polltiques d'a;it.ste- tnent imposent lies coupes sombres dans les seivices socianx. Le peuple togolais paie Ie prit ije clioix enonnks. Histoire devenite fainiliire. Ce (fui est intiressant, dims cc/ article, c'est qn 'il dicrit de facon dc;tnillie, a trovers trois cas, les micanistnes d'une 'faillite annonc6e'. L,e Togo a it6 victims d'investisseiirs sans scrnpii1e.s -

etudes dc marchiplus qu 'optimistes, pas d'appels d'offres, investissements surfczckt12's; d'un innnviiis piiverne~neni - line part i ks surprix a finance di"> depmes socin- lenient inutiles et la corruption; et de In protection de gouvernctnents ctriiiign's, cotnine celni dc la Sitissf, et son systime dc pramie mix risques d'exportation sun.\ lequel les projets examines i d n'aiirairnt ptis pit etre r&zlisLs. I.es faiseurs d'argent ettint ce qu 'ils sont, une loin-lie re.sponscihilitl incotnbe aiix protectews oj'ficiels On mulil&eloppetnent.

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Richard Gerster*

How to ruin a country: the case of Togo

When, in the mid-seventies, the price of phosphate suddenly multiplied, prosperity seemed within grasp for the small West African country of Togo. Phosphate had long been the country's main export product. The phosphate euphoria gave rise to dreams of industrialization on the Western model. Attracted by this new wealth, many European entrepre- neurs and crooks appeared on the scene. Corruptibility and the robber baron mentality compleniented each other. But before long the price 01' phosphate collapsed. Togo's foreign debt exploded and reached one billion US dollars. Since 1979, one debt rescheduling has followed another. The profiteers of that time have long since been home free with their loot, thanks to state guarantees of their own countries. This also holds true for suppliers from Switzerland who availed themselves of the Export Risk Guarantee (ERG). The private creditors have thus been replaced by stales who extract interest and loan repayments from Togo. In Togo, those circles that raked in exorbitant sums of corrup- tion money and were responsible for the wrong decisions taken are hardly the ones suffering from the debt burden. It is the population a t large and the farmers that pay for the failed industrialization. As a result of the debt crisis, Togo's per capita income has shrank by 20 percent from 1980 tu 1984; state services in the area of basic health care, for instance, a re now even more inadequate than before. Many of those expensive industrial plants have been shut down o r are being sold to foreigners a t bargain prices. By the end of 1982, Togo had fallen back into the UN category of the world's 'least developed' countries.

Case 1: Plastic products made in Togo

A Swiss flag flutters, alongside those of Denmark and Togo, over the grounds of the firm named Industrie Togolaise des Pla.st;ques ( U P ) in the capital city of Lonik. The date is 18 April 1986. The Board of

* Ricluird Gers~er, Ph. D. Econ., is coordinator for de~x/opment policy of four major Swiss non-governmental organizations.

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Directors is meeting to discuss the company's financial rehabilitation. But the Swiss flag is deceiving - there are no Swiss in the meeting.

A few years earlier, it was different. When, on 19 March 1980, ITP was founded, the capital stock of CFA 650 million (US S 3.1 million, converted at the average exchange rate of 1980) was held jointly by the state of Togo, Danish sources and the Swiss firm of Promatec o f Barcstwil. The company's establishment was based on a market study by Promatec, which was also awarded the contract to deliver the turnkey plant and, in the person of Siegfried Weisskopf, provided the firm's first Board chairman. The entry in the commercial register states Promatec's purpose to be 'advice, planning, organization and execution of industrial and infrastructure projects and general commercial activities with emphasis on the Third World'.

Within the framework of the contract with Promatec, the Swiss firms of Geilinger (Winterthur) took on the steel construction, and Buhlcr (Uzwil) was chosen to supply the machinery. Financing was provided in the form of a loan from the Swiss Credit Bank (Credit Suisse). Without the insurance of this export deal by the Swiss Federal government via the ERG, the companies involved would hardly have been able to run the risks. O n 12 October 1982, bankruptcy proceedings were instituted against Promatec; they were suspended on 15 November 1982, due to lack of assets.

From the beginning ITP operated in the red. By 1984, a loss of roughly 1.3 billion CFA (US$ 5.1 million) had accumulated. The reasons can be found o n three levels:

The bureaucratic management style and an excess of personnel are partly to blame. Of the 130 current employees, 35 to 40 a t best will be able to 'survive' the reorganization.

The productive capacity of PVC tubes for water pipes, of plastic buckets, plastic chairs, etc, was from the start several times too large for the local market though ITP did benefit from the import prohibition of competing products. But export to neighboring countries was severely hampered because plastic products are often manufactured locally and, as in Togo, protected from foreign

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competition. In the view of Yaori Y. Kekey, sales director of ITP, Togo was victim of an optimistic market study designed to secure the contract for the plant.

The price of the turnkey factory was severely inflated. According to Yaori K. Kekey, the amount charged by Promatec was double o r triple the fair market price at the time. A high official of the World Bank in Togo confirmed the following facts: the cost of roughly 2 billion CFA (US$ 10 million) contrasts with the plant's real value of only 750 million CFA (USS 3.7 million). No international invitation of bids occurred. Servicing and repaying these investment costs did not remain without effect on the regular course of operations.

Once the plant had been delivered and after Siegfried Weisskopf had stayed on for a few months as its chairman, the Swiss left and were never seen again. The rehabilitation efforts are now led by the Dutch company Wavin, which, together with the German enterprise Pumpen Boese, financed an increase in capital of 395 million C F A (USS 1.2 million at 1986 rates). In addition, Dutch and Danish development banks have authorized a 5-year loan totalling 300 million C F A (US$ 0.9 million). Privatisation, new management, a heavy infusion of finance capital and large write-offs are designed to help ITP make a fresh start.

Case 2: A corrugated-iron roof over one's head

In 1977, Rolf Kohlgruber suges tcd to the government of Togo the construction of a corrugated iron factory. Kohlgruber, owner of the Ofenbaugesellschaft Berg & Co. mbH of Cologne and of Berg A G of Basel, submitted a market study. H e documented the profitability of a corrugated iron factory in Togo with an annual output of 12,000 tons, based o n a 24-hour, three-shift operation with exports to Niger, Burkina Faso and Benin. Cost: Swiss francs 12,058,900 for the turnkey plant.

Togo's government let itself be persuaded. As various experts of Togolese nationality as well as foreigners unanimously confirm, such deals invariably presuppose corresponding 'gifts'. 10 to 15 percent of the total cost were the norm. Thus, in the case of the corrugated iron factory, one has to assume bribes amounting to Swiss francs 1.5 million.

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As a quid pro quo, the government generally foregoes an international invitation of bids. The resulting lack of competitive pressures then allows for the bribes to be recovered from the government in the form of an inflated price on delivery.

In the case of the corrugated iron factory, the government proved willing to grant further generous concessions: concurrent with the contract of delivery, Berg & Co. mbH secured a five-year management and know- how contract which provided for normal advisory activities, but which in practice was used by the company to build a monopoly position for the acquisition of spare parts and raw materials.

Problems of a special nature had to be surmounted when it came to the financing of the corrugated iron factory. By that time, the dream of industrialization paid for by the high revenues from phosphate sales had already evaporated. Thus, Togo welcomed the fact that Rolf Kohlgruber not only offered the plant itself but its financing as well: he obtained a loan from the Swiss Bank Corporation (SBC) in the amount of Swiss francs 10,250,065 at an interest rate of 8.5 per cent. This amount corresponded to 85 percent of the price on delivery; the remaining 15 per cent had to be paid down.

Being a cautious Swiss bank, the SBC only agreed to the loan o n the condition that the delivery of the plant be secured by the governmental Export Risk Guarantee (ERG). Even though part of the corrugated iron factory - the galvanizing shop - actually came from Germany, the Swiss E R G assumed the guarantees demanded by the bank. The cooperation of the E R G was facilitated by a Togolese state payment guarantee in favor of the Swiss Bank Corporation, covering the sum of the loan plus interest. Without state guarantee by both Switzerland and Togo the deal would most likely not have been consummated.

O n 21 February 1978, the loan contract and the agreement to build the factory were signed. The firm Soci6t6 Togolaise d e Galvanisation des Tdles (Sototoles SA) was a joint undertaking of the government of Togo and the Liechtenstein company Socinvest, a front chosen by Kohlgriiber for fiscal reasons. The company's purpose as given in the commercial register was: 'Financial and commercial transactions of all kinds as well as all related and other business a t the discretion of the Board of

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Directors'. The stockholders elected Rolf Kohlgruber, already chairman of the Board of Berg AG, chairman of Sototoles S A as well. The capital stock of 350 million CFA (USS1.7 million) was shared fifty-fifty by Togo and Kohlgriiber. O n the latter's behalf, Socinvest took up 10,000 shares and the firm Sodinvest of Hergiswil - according to the commercial register a property management company 'handling in particular capital investment in and financing of foreign enterprises' - another 7,490 shares. Rolf Kohlgruber himself took 10 shares. Togo, however, could o r would not, as previously agreed, come up even with half of the capital stock out of its own resources. But Kohlgruber managed to overcome this shortfall of 175 million CFA (US$ 0.8 million) as well. The Liechtenstein company Socinvest granted Togo a loan of 87.5 million CFA towards acquisition o f capital stock, and the firm Comeda of Geneva supplied another credit of 87.5 million CFA, both a t an interest rate of 7 per cent and both, it goes without saying, covered by a repayment guarantee from the government of Togo. Out of the funds of the capital stock the downpayment of 15 per cent of the price upon delivery had to be made; thus Swiss francs 1.8 million were immediately channelled back into the coffers of Berg AG.

The semi-automatic plant of Sototoles began operations on 21 April 1981. Until 1985, i t produced only at 25 to 35 percent of its capacity. It is true that Togo's market is protected against competing foreign products, but that market is too small. Thanks to one-time and extraordinary exports to Ghana, uti l i~ation of capacity reached 50 per cent for the first time in 1986.

Even before the plant opened, severe disputes broke out on the Board of Directors between Kohlgruber and the representatives of Togo. In 1982 an internal commission of inquiry was formed. Rolf Kohlgriiber had not been seen since 1983. In March of 1985 a second, external commission submitted an extensive report on behalf of the Togolese ministry for state enterprises. Among other things, the team of three came to the conclusion that the actual value of the completed plant was, as of 1980, only Swiss francs 5,351,000. Another 30 per cent can be added to the value o f the factory for engineering, administration, breaking in of the plant and for guarantee risks, adding up to a real market value of roughly Swiss francs 7 million. Thus, because it did not invite international bids, Togo ended up overpaying by Swiss francs 5

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million. 'The profit is of an order that has to be qualified as immoral and fraudulent', and: 'One can only regret to Togolese side's imprudence in this affair', the experts state.

Moreover, the report finds that the cost price for the raw material has diminished by a n average of 13 per cent since Sototoles cancelled its purchase agreement and stopped buying the metal sheets via Berg. Given a 13-per cent 'surcharge* and purchases totalling German marks 9.3 million, as much as another half million of additional profits have accrued to the Berg concern.

Some time ago the Togolese government put Sototoles under German management, independent of Berg. Furthermore, 1988 efforts were made towards complete privatization of the semi-governmental corrugated iron factory.

Case 3: The technologically outstanding steel mill

The steel mill, inaugurated in 1979 and located in the industrial section Lom6, has never managed to operate out of the red. BBC, leader ol'

a consortium, delivered the turnkey plant valued at Swiss francs 85 million. In this case, the 'father of the idea' was the Frenchman Francois d e Lannurien. Like his colleagues Weisskopf and Kohlgriiber, he first took over the plant's management but soon turned his back on Togo. A 'detail': d e Lannurien signed, as representative of the government o f Togo, the loan contracts in favor of Sototoles which Kohlgriiber had set up with Soeinvest (Liechtenstein) and Comeda (Geneva). Thus foreigners write invoices to be paid by the state of Togo. D e Lannurien, too, saw to it that there was no international invitation of bids, so that BBC obtained the award on the basis of a market study which was later characterized as 'superficial' by World Bank circles. The German Werner Manfred Caspari, currently the chairman of Society Togolaise de Sidkrurgie (STS), emphasizes the technically outstanding quality of the plant as supplied. H e does, however, consider its price excessive.

The complete plant has now been leased by the government of Togo to the American entrepreneur John Moore for 10 years. He is paying for this a total of US$ 7 million (Swiss francs 14 million at the exchange rate at the time). Comparing this with the investment value of 85

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million Swiss francs, Togo has to shoulder a huge loss. The steel mill's electric furnace remains shut down due to lack of profitability. At present Moore is only operating the rolling mill and the scrap press.

The Union Bank of Switzerland, which provided the financing for the steel mill, would have been unwilling to assume the financial risks involved without being covered by the Export Risk Guarantee backed by the Swiss federal government.

Bad investments in abundance

In the cases of the plastic factory, the corrugated iron manufacture and the steel mill, there are connections to Switzerland. But any impression that the Swiss might be acting in a particularly unscrupulous way would be erroneous. Businessmen of other countries have similarly cheated Togo. Even though circumstances will differ from case to case, those described above are nevertheless typical of the manner in which Togo's high indebtedness came about, and they provide the explanation for the financial burdens with which T o r e suffers today. The foreign loans were used to finance investments whose present real value corresponds to fraction of the original volume of credits. In a speech given in June 1985, the Togolese minister in charge of state enterprises mentioned 18 firms which, at the time, were closed and awaiting rehabilitation. The textile plants constructed with German support were not functioning at the time of my visit in 1986. T h e thermal power plant in Lom6, with BBC as consortium leader, has been awaiting completion for years. The oil refinery built by the British is closed down - the tanks have been leased to Shell as a regional storage facility. Cimao, a cement factory meant to supply West Africa, financed by French loans and the World Bank, closed after three years of operation on 2 April 1984. A misreading of market conditions was the reason for this failure, as well as rentability calculations based on fuel supplies by the Togolese oil refinery. The list is far from being exhaustive. According to a UN report concerning the technology transfer t o Togo published in 1986, the extent to which the delivery contracts arc supported by a 'multitude of guarantees by the Togolese government' while 'guarantees on the part of the suppliers are almost completely lacking', is 'alarming'. This, it is noted, in no way conforms to normal practice. Corruption on the part of Togo, a n aggressive sales policy by foreign business and slate supports

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offered by both the African governments as well as the export promoting industrialized countries have in their combined effect led to this debacle.

From debt rescheduling to debt rescheduling

In 1980, Togo's foreign indebtedness reached one billion dollars. This equalled 100 per cent of the country's national income. In 1982, the interest and repayment obligations required to service this debt amounted to three quarters of all export revenues and two thirds of total state revenues. Such obligations are simply impossible to meet. Thus, either arrears are accumulating in violation of the contract o r interest and amortization schedules are renegotiated, i.e. the maturity dates are converted. A debt rescheduling, however, does not equal help. It is nothing more than an attempt to reconcile a country's debt service obligations with its realistic repayment abilities. The deferred payments will be charged with compound interest. Since Togo began experiencing payment difficulties in 1979, it has six times conducted debt rescheduling negotiations in the 'Club of Paris', within whose purview lies the matter of public loans or loans with state guarantee. In a parallel move, the private creditors ('London Club') too, agreed (in 1981 and again in 1983) to a rescheduling of their outstanding loans.

Switzerland was always willing to enter into rescheduling agreements with Togo. In 1979, Swiss francs 27 million were consolidated; in 1981, 57 million; in 1983, 37 million; in 1983, 30 million; in 1984, 23 million. In part, these rescheduling agreements once more covered unpaid claims from previous consolidations. The report of the official inquiry into the financial situation of the Sototoles corrugated iron factory shows, for the 10-million-franc loan, from the Swiss Bank Corporation alone, additional interest payments (default interest) in the amount of Swiss francs 2,548,978 which - on the basis of the debt conversions of 1979 to 1984 - will have to be paid through 1989. The steel mill, the plastic factory and other projects arc also included in these rescheduling packages.

Due dates a re newly consolidated each year even though arrangements over several years would not only be entirely conceivable but welcomed by Togo. The creditors, however, prefer to keep their debtors on a short leash. Because of the pressure of annual negotiations, heavy influence can continuously be exerted on Togo's rehabilitation policy, especially

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since the contractually stipulated precondition for any debt rescheduling is an agreement between Togo and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) obligating the country to take drastic politico-economic measures. Since 1979, Togo has signed six agreements with the IMF and has twice committed itself to a program of structural adjustment designed by the World Bank. Numerous foreign World Bank experts work in key positions within Togo's public sector. During one single year (1985)), 61 World Bank delegations, i.e. on the average more than one per week, paid visits to Togo of one week o r more. T o this must be added the delegates of the IMF.

The kind of programs of structural adjustment advanced by the World Bank are designed to lead the economy back on the road to long-term stability, to combine adjustment with growth. In the course of im- plementing its austerity policies, the state reduces it expenditure, raises revenues and privatizes public enterprises. Internal and international economic liberalization is pursued. Efforts towards increased exports are being encouraged. In contrast with the IMP'S restrictive and short-term remedies, the World Bank has adopted more farsighted and flexible measures designed to increase agricultural and industrial production. Developments have given Togo a good reputation; the international donor community began even to consider Togo a 'model pupil'.

In 1987, however, the good relationship between the IMF and the government of Togo was interrupted, and General Eyadkma did not let the opportunity slip to buy a presidential jet, to finance extensive festivities on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of his coup and to increase military expenditures. Since then, the IMF as well as the Togolese government, have regained their previous working relationship. A new standby agreement has freed the way to another "Paris Club" rescheduling arrangement in 1988.

On the backs of the people

However, no financial rehabilitation can be achieved without sacrifices - except where Togo's president Gnassing6 Eyad6rna is concerned, whose needs of personal prestige and security are taboo even with international institutions if they wish to maintain relations with the government.

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The social consequences of indebtedness, of bad investments and of the rehabilitation efforts are evident. From 1980 to 1984, the population's real per capita income diminished by 20 per cent. The World Bank does not expect an appreciable increase in income until 1990. A speech by Togo's Minister for Planning and Industry contained the following comments: 'These figures translate in their specific way into social reality and they mean this for the population: reduction of purchasing power, increase in unemployment and deterioration of social services'.

A wage freeze for state employees in effect since 1982 (without adjustment for a 10 per cent annual inflation rate), a 'solidarity tax' of 5 per cent and forced early retirement, among others, a re helping to reduce state expenditures. But the pressure to save also effects the vital area of health care throughout the country. 'There is no money with which to hire nurses for the newly constructed health centers. Basic vaccines and medicines o r spare parts for ambulances can no longer be purchased', Ayitk-Fily D'Almeida, a World Bank staff member, explains. It is above all the rural population that is being affected by the deterioration of these basic public services. This sector had already been al a disadvantage during the investment drive of the seventies because of an aggressive policy of industrialization. The fact is that, within the planning period 1976-1980, instead of the envisaged 51 per cent of all productive investments, only 18 per cent (25 instead o f 80 billion CFA) were channelled into rural development.

High import duties protect domestic products

As consumers, however, the farmers, too have to pay for the misguided industrial policies o f the past. A rough estimate shows that each corrugated-iron sheet costing 1,200 CFA on the market, hides a surcharge of about 100 CFA attributable to the inflated cost of the plant. Assuming duty-free import from Japan, a corrugated-iron sheet might, indeed, only come to 900 CFA. The same picture emerges when we look at the steel plant: o n the one hand, the STS exports its milled products, e.g. reinforcing steel, for 150,000 to 176,000 CFA a ton to neighboring countries in order to remain competitive with regard to the Japanese and Koreans. O n the other hand, for the same product the buyer in Togo has to pay 220,000 CFA because the local market is, to the benefit of STS, protected against foreign competitors through

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massive import duties. Despite huge write-offs, the often praised transfer of the steel mill into private hands would economically not have been viable had its flanks not been protected by the state, through these defensive levies.

Debt cancellation 'thanks to' impoverishment

Togo's impoverishment in the wake of its failed industrialization and its debt crisis also came to be reflected in the international statistics. In December 1982, the United Nations recognized Togo as one of the world's 36 'least developed countries'. This official classification encouraged higher levels of aid by countries that give priority to the poorest states.

What had the greatest impact however, was a decision by the German Federal Republic, France and Denmark to cancel US$111 million worth of Togo's debt in view of its status as one of the world 'least developed' countries. T o this extent, the cost of corruption, of corporate raiders' deals and of other erroneous decisions are now being borne by those countries' taxpayers rather than by Togo's own population. Within a short time, Togo's overall debt thus shrank considerably. For the first time in 7 years, Togo was in 198611987 temporarily in position of not having to apply for a rescheduling of interest and loan repayments due.

Instead, Togo suffered from the presidential luxury and military extravaganzas and today the figures of Togo's external debt exceed again the mark of 1 billion dollars. It is expected that up to 1991 annual debt service payments will absorb 70 per cent of government expenditure. In 1988 the debt service due amounts even to 82 billion CFA compared to a budget of 90 billion CFA. Therefore in 1988 Togo went back to the l IMF, World Bank and the Paris Club. If solid lessons a re not learned in Togo, Washington and in Europe, the new agreements will only mean o n e more spin on the debt merry-go-round. It will also be a major responsibility of the IMF and World Bank to favour socio-economic priorities in the forthcoming adjustment programmes that would not provide again for the Togolese people paying the bill of unscrupulous business men and of an undemocratic government.

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ifda dossier 71 . n~ay/june 1989 global space

Political economy of ecology movements

by Jayanta Bandyopadhyay & Vandana Shiva Research Foundation for Science and Ecology 105 Rajpur Road Dehra Dun 248 001. India

'1'li.s paper is about environmental conflicts in the contemporary society'. It relates to all human societies, bin in particular it addresses the social contradictions of India related to conflicts over natural resources. Scientific knowledge has been used to considerably enlarge man's access to natural resources, on the one hand, and on the other, to consume the natural resources at extremely high rates of utilization. This period is also characterized by the emergence of ecology movements all over tile world which are attempting to redesign the pattern and extent of natural resour- ces utilization to ensure social equality and ecological sustainability. In this way, ecology movements have questioned the validity of the dominant concepts and indicators of economic development whose ideology is thus faced with a major foun- dational challenge. This paper attempts to provide a systematic conceptual frame- work for analyzing the processes and structures of economic development from cm ecological perspective. It attempts to analyze the relationship between economic development and conflicts over natural resources to trace the roots o f the ecological movements. Further, in the light of tlie ecological perspective, it examines tlie fi~ndamental assumptions and categories of development economics that are used to set the objectives of 'development' as well as the criteria for the choice of tech- nologies that are used in the process of achieving these objectives.

Economic development and environmental conflicts in India

A characteristic of the Indian civilization ses. The indigenous modes of natural has been its sensitivity to the natural resources utilization were sensitive to ecosystems. Vital renewable natural the limits to which these resources resources like vegetation, soil, water, could be used. It is said for instance etc, were managed and utilized aceord- that the codes of visiting the important ing to well defined social norms that pilgrim centres, like Badrinath in the respected the known ecological proces- sensitive Himalayan ecosystem, included

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a maximum slay of one night so that the temple area would not put excess pressure on the local natural rcsourccs biisc.

A major changc in the utilisation of natural resources of India came with the British, who linked the resources of this country with the direct and large- scale non-loc;il dcm;inds of western Europe. Natural resource utilization, by the East India Company, and later by the colonial rulers, replaced the indigen- ous organizations for the utilization of natural resources that were mainly nlantiged as commons.

The ever increasing resource demands of the industrial revolution in England were largely met from colonies like India. Forced cultivation of indigo in Bengal and Bihar, growth of cotton in Gujarat and the Deccan led to large- scale commitment of land for the supply of raw materials for the British industry. l-'orests in the sensitive mountain ecosys- tems like the Western Ghats or the Hirnalaya were felled to build battle- ships or to meet the requirements of the expanding railway network. 'I'he colonial intervention led to conflicts over vital renewable natural resources like water or forest and induced new forms o f poverty and deprivation. Changes in resource endowments and entitlements introduced by the British came in conflict with the local people's age-old rights and practices related to natural resource utilization.

A& a result local responses got generat- ed through which people tried to regain and retain control over local natural resources The Indigo movement in

eastern India, the Deccan movement for a n d rights or forest movement in all forest areas of the country, the Western Ghats, the ccntriil Indian hills or the Himalaya, were the obvious expressions of protest generated by these newly created conflicts.

The conflicts resulting from the colonial modes of natural resource exploitation could not, however, grow with a local identity. Rightly, with the advancement of anti-colonial people's movement at the national level, these local protests merged with the national struggle for independence. With the collapse of the colonial rule and the appearance o l sovereign independent cuuntnes in the ITiird World resolution of these con- flicts at the local level became a pos- sibility. While the political independence vested the control over natural rcsour- ccs with the Indian state, the colonial institutional framework for natural resource management did not changc in essence. Where colonialism ended, the slogan of economic development stepped in. There was no other institu- tional mechanism than those of the classical model left by the British, with which the newly formed Indian national could respond to the accentuated as- pirations of the Indian people lor a better life. The same institutions and concepts, nurtured and developed by the colonial rulers were put to objec- tives which were the opposite to those of the colonial period. Concepts and categories about economic development and natural resource utilization that had emerged in the specific context ol' capitalist growth and industrialization at the centers of colonial power were raised to the level oluniversal assump-

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lions and applicability. The processes which resulted in the deprivation were now supposed to satisfy' basic needs. It was forgotten that the specificity of early industrial development in western Europe necessitated the occupation of the colonies and the undermining of the local 'natural economy'. This inexorable logic of resource exploitation, exhaus- tion and alienation integral to the classical model of economic dcvelop- mem based on resource intensive tech- nologies led Gandhi to seek an alternate path of development for India when he wrote:

God forbid linn India should ever like to industrialism after t11c inan- ner of the West. The economic im- perialism of a sinvie tiny island kingdom (England) is toclay keeping /lie world in chains. If an entire natio11 of 300 million look to similar economic fxploitalioit, it would strip the world bare like locii.'ifi l.

While Gandhi's critique was an advance warning against the future problems of following the classical path of resource intensive development, at the time of India's independence, there was no clear and comprehensive work-plan to realize the Gandhian dreams of alternative development, that would be resource prudent and satisfy basic needs. Thc issues of resource constraints were, therefore, not highlighted at the theoret- ical level, partly due to the tremendous pressure of the enhanced aspirations of ;I newly independent nation, and partly clue to the lack of internalisation of natural resource parameters within the framework of economics. As the scale o f economic development activities escalated from onc five-year plan to

another, the disruption of the ecologi- cal processes that maintain the pro- ductivity of the natural resource base started becoming more and more ap- parent. The classical model of economic development in the case of the newly independent nations resulted in the growth of urban-industrial enclaves where commodity production was con- centrated, as well as of quick exhaustion of the internal colonies whose resources supported the enhanced demands of these enclaves. In the absence of eco- logically enlightened resource manage- ment methods, the pressure of poverty enhanced the pace of economic devel- opment activities with the hope of >I

quick improvement in the standard o f living tor all, as in western Europe. For example, commercial forestry made more revenues by making more timber and pulpwood available in the market but in the process reduced the multi- purpose biomass productivity or dam- aged the hydrology of the forests. People dependent on non-timber bio- mass outputs of the forest, like leaves, twigs, fruits, nuts, medicines, oils, etc, were unable to sustain themselves, in the face of commercial exploitation of forests. The changed hydrological chara- cter of the forests affected both the micro-climate and the stream flows disturbing the hydrological stability and affecting agricultural production.

Ecological degradation and econon~ic deprivation generated by the resource insensitivity and intensity of the classical model of development have resulted in

environmental conflicts, whose under- standing is necessary for the reorienta- tion of development priorities and eon- cepts.

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The ecology movements that have em- erged as major social movements in many parts of India are making visible many invisible externalities and pressing for their internalization in the economic evaluation of the elite-orientcd develop- ment process. In the context of a 11- mited resource base and unlimited aspirations, theecology movements have initiated a new political struggle for safeguarding the interest and survival of the poor, the marginalised, among whom are women, tribals and the poor peasants.

Ecology movements and sur- vival

The intensity and range of the ecology movements in independent India have kept on increasing as predatory exploita- tion of natural resources to feed the process of development has gone up in extent and intensity. This process has been characterized by the huge expan- sion of energy and resource intensive industrial activity and major projects like big dams, forest exploitation, mining, energy intensive agriculture, etc. The resource demand of development has led to the narrowing down of the natur- al resource base for the survival of the economically poor and powerless, either by direct transfer or resources away from basic needs or by destruction of the essential ecological process that ensure renewability of the life support- ingnatural resources.

Against this background, the ecology movements came up as the people's response to this new threat to their survival and as a demand for the eco-

logical conservation of the vital life support systems. 'Ike most significani life support system beyond clean air are the common property resources of water, forests and land on which the majority of the poor people o f India depend for survival. It is the threat to these resources that has been at the centre of the ecology movements in the last few decades.

Among the various ecology movements in India, the Chipko movement (em- brace the trees to o p ~ fellings) is the most well known . It started as a movement of the hill people in the state of Uttar Pradesh to save the forest resources from exploitation by contruc- tors from outside. It later evolved to a n ecological movement that was aimed a1 the maintenance of the ecological stabil- ity of the major upland watersheds in India.

Exploitation of mineral resources, in particular the opencast mining in the sensitive watersheds of Himalaya, Wcst- ern Ghats and central India have also done a great deal of environmental damage. As a result, environmental movements have come up in these regions to oppose the reckless opera- tions of mining. Most successful among them is the movement against limestone quarrying in Doon Valley. While the Doon Valley has a long history of popular opposition to quarrying of lime- stone and a major Supreme Court order has restricted the area of quarry- ing to a minimum, examples of such success of the ecology movements are rare. People's ecology movements against mineral exploitation in the neighbouring Alinora and Pithoragarh

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still seems to be ignored, probably due to the relative isolation of these interior places. Beyond the Himalaya, the eco- log}' movement in the Gandhamardan hills in Orissa against ecological havoc of bauxite mining has gained momen- tum and i t draws inspiration from the Chipko movement. The mining project of Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) in the Gandhamardan hills is being opposed by local youth organ- izations and tribal people whose survival is directly under threat. The peaceful demonstrators have claimed that the project could only be continued 'over our dead bodies' 3. The situation is more or less the same in large parts of Orissa-Madhya Pradesh region where rich mineral and coal deposits arc being opened up for exploitation and thou- sands of people in these interior areas are being pushed to deprivation and destitution. This includes the coal mi- ning areas around the energy capital of the country in Singrauli. In these inter- ior areas of central India movements against both mining and forestry are becoming extremely volatile and peo- ple's resistance is growing.

Large river valley projects, which are coming up in India at a very fast pace, is another group of development pro- jects against which ecology movements of the people have come up. The large- scale submersion of forests and agricul- tural lands, that is the prerequisite for the bigriver valley projects, always take a heavy toll of dense forests and the best food growing lands. These have been usually the material basis for the survival of a large number of people in India, specially the tribal people. The Silent Valley project in Kerala was

opposed by the ecology movement on the ground of its being a threat, not directly to the survival of the people, but to the gene pool of the tropical rain forests threatened by submersion. The ecological movement against the Tehri high dam in the UP Himalaya exposes the possible threat to the peo- ple living both above and below the dam-site through large-scale destabilisa- [ion of land by seepage and strong seismic movements that could be in- duced by impoundment. The Tehri Dam opposition committee has appeal- ed to the Supreme Court against the proposed dam by identifying it as a threat to the survival of all people living near the river Ganga up to West Bengal. Most notable among the peo- ple's movements against dams on [he issue of direct threat to survival from submersion are Bedthi, Inchampalli, Bhopalpatnam, Narmada, Koel-Karo, Bodhghat, etc. In the context of already overused land resources, the proper rehabilitation on a land-to-land basis of millions of people displaced through the construction of dams seems impossible. The cash compensation given instead is inadequate in all respects for provi- ding an alternate livelihood for the majority of the displaced.

While the process of the construction of the dam itself invites opposition from ecology movements, the functioning of the water projects dependent on the constructed dams goes on to creating further ecological disasters and move- ments. People's movements against widespread water-logging, salinisation and resulting desertification in the com- mand areas of many dams have been registered. Among them are the instan-

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ces at the projects on Tawa, Kosi, Gandak, Tungabhadra, Malaprabha, Ghatprabha, d c , and the canal irrigated areas of Punjab and Haryana. While excess of water created ecological de- struction in these cases, improper and unsustainable use of water in the arid and semi-arid regions generated ecology movements in a different way. The anti- drought and desertification movement is becoming particularly strong in the dry areas of Maharashtra, Karnaiaka, Rajasthan, Orissa, etc. Ecological water use for survival is being advocated by water based movements like Pani Chet- ana, Pani Panchayat, Mukti Sangharsh, etc. Another major movement origin- ating from the ecological destruction o f resources by growth based development is spreading all along the 7000 km long coastline of India. It is the movement of the small fishing communities against the ecological destruction caused by mechanized fishing whose instant profit motive is destroying the coastal ecology and us long-term biological productivity in a bigway.

No amouni o f the threat to survival in India from environmental hazards can be complete without a reference to the Hhopal tragedy in which, on 3 December 1984, following the leakage of poisonous n~ethyliso cyanate from a pesticide plant of Union Carbide (India) Limited, several thousand people died or got affected by serious health hazards. People's movement for clean air and water is growing in all corners of the country, just as ecologically ir- responsible resource hunger of the process of growth is moving deeper in the hinterland in search of newer re- sources.

Development from the view- point of the dispossessed

Though the ecology movements relate 10 issues that are geographically local- ized, like forests or water pollution. their reverberations are national and even global in import. This macro-micro dialectic is rooted in the cognitive gasps associated with development planning and this dichotomy has been analyzed politically as the result of the existence of the two I n d i i l s . Every development activity has a need for natural resources. In the cuntext o f limited natural re- sources, by either non-renewability or ecological limits to renewability, the resource needs of the two Indicts ;ire bound to compete with each other. In this unequal competition the survival o f the less powerful but more populous micro-economy is directly threatened. This threat may come either by resour- ce transfer or by ecological factors leadinpo resource degradation. YCI the significance of the ecology movements does not merely lie in the fact that they are voices of the dispossessed. The positive feature of these movements lies in the manner in which they make visible the invisible externalities o f dcvel- opment based on a particukir economic ideology and reveal its inherent injustice and nonsustainability. The recognition o f these inadequacies and the impera- tives arising from the right to survival creates another ground and another direction for development which ensures justice with sustainability, equity with ecological stability.

The ecology movemenis can no longer be considered merely as specific and

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particular happenings. They are an expression of the universal socio-ecologt- cal impacts of a narrowly conceived development based only on short-term commercial criteria. The impact of eco- logy movements cannot be assessed only in terms of the impact on particular projects they originate from. The inl- pact, in the final analysis, is on the very fundamental categories of politics, economics, science sn'n-1 technology which together have created the classical paradigm of development and resource use. The emerging irreversible threat to survival arising from the develop- nient process requires a re-evaln:ition not just of some individiiiil projects and programmes which have been shown to be ecologically destructive, but of the very conception and para- digm of development th;it generates such pro-jects. The ecology movements ;ire revealing how the resource intensive demands of current development have ecological destruction and economic deprivation built into them. They are also stressing that the issue is not merely of a trade off of costs and benefits because the cost of destruction of the conditions of life and well-being is not just a matter of money, it is :I matter of life itself.

'Ihe most important and universal feature of ecology movements is that they are redefining the concepts of development and economic values, of technological efficiency, ot scientilic rationality - they are creating a new economics for a new civilization

t h e ideology of the dominant pattern o f development derives its driving force from a linear theory of progress, form

a vision of historical evolution created in eighteenth and nineteenth century western Europe and universalised throughout the world especially in the post-war development decades. The linearity of history pre-supposed in this theory of progress created the ideology of development that equated develop- ment with economic growth, economic growth with expansion of the market economy, modernity with consumerism and non-rnarket economics with back- wardness. 'Ihe diverse traditions of the world with their distinctive technologcal. ecological, economic, political and cultural structures were driven by this new ideology to converge into a hom- ogeneous monolithic order modelled o n the particular evolution of the west. The creation of development as ideology was based on the universalisation of the western economic tradition and its un- questioned acceptance as progress.

'I'he Rostowian model of stages o f economic growth is the clearest articula- tion of these assumptions. Rostow presents change as taking place in three stages. The first stage consists of tradi- tional society:

whose .stmctnre is developed wit11in limited production functions, h.sd on pre-Newtoniun science and tech- nology and on pre-Newioniirn dtri- tudes towards the physical world ... The central fact about the tradition- al society was that a ceiling existed on the level of attainable output per head

'1he totality of development experiences, however, does not reflect this simple linearity and stage by stage evolution.

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The inter-relationship between resources within the same ecosystem as well as interlinkages between economic activities between segments of society makes the economic development process more complex and multidimensional. Viewing the world as an ecologically interrelated whole leads to a concept of develop- ment that puts a prenliunl on maintain- ing the ecological balance and integrity while satisfying basic human needs. In this context, the 'backwardness' and 'low productivity' of non-western societies is based on the assumption of the ideo- logy of classical development that recog- nizes productivity only in the context of commodity production. The 'high pro- ductivity' of the latter sin~ilarly has been based on a narrow and specific inter- pretation of productivity. The resource intensity of modern production proces- ses, geared towards prolit maximization in the absence of the awareness of other iorms of productivity, leads to ecological deterioration and loss of resource productivity, which remain hidden externalities in development economics. The internalization of such negative externalities over a large tem- poral and spatial horizon, in many instances, render the 'high productivity' processes extremely unproductive.

The second stage of Rostow, charac- teristic of the dual sector model, origin- ates from a misleading representation of the material foundations of the visi- ble and formal developnlent process. In the context of limited resource base, the rcsource denlands of the development process are often satisfied by diverting resources away from survival needs and life-support functions. Modernization and economic growth based on resource

intensive processes compete for the same resources as are also used for the satisfaction of basic survival needs, either directly or through the destruc- tion of ecological functions performed by the resources. The second stage is clearly not a temporary co-existence of two unrelated sectors, namely, the "dynamic and progressive" modern and the 'stagnant and backward' traditional.

There is a distinct relationship between these two sectors in that the 'dynamism' of the modern resource flow from the traditional. The growth and productivity of the modern has to CO-exist with the poverty and backwardness of the tradi- tional. In the context of absolutely une- qual sharing of the cost of economic growth, visible development accrues to the privileged while invisible iincler- development accrues to the dispos- sessed. The Rostowian approach as- sumes that in the process of dcvelop- mcnt 'the economy exploits hitherto unused sources', which is true in the case of resource abundance. However, in the present context vital natural resources like forests, water, land, etc, are all scarce and have a number of competing requirements and demands on them. These could be associated with the maintenance of ecological processes of renewability of natural rc- sources or of the life support system of those externalised by the formal process of development. The diversion of re- sources otherwise needed for human survival for safeguarding the ecological processes remain invisible. Thus, in the context of the conflicting demands on scarce resources, economic growth leads to economic polarisation and not neces- sarily to universal prosperity. The rapid

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growth of the people's ecology move- ments is a symptom of this polarisation and a reminder that natural resources play a vital role in the survival of the people. Their diversion or destruction through other uses, therefore, leads to impoverishment and an increasing threat to survival. The "underdeveloped" socie- ties are not those that are yet to be affected by growth and developn~ent, as the dual sector model supposes. The real underdevelopment of the hinterland takes place simultaneously as an integral pan of the whole process of contem- porary growth and development in which gains accrue to one section of the society or nation and the costs, econo- mic or ecological, are borne by the rest. From within the societies and nations getting the advantages of resource use, Rostow's take-off stage can be seen as a reality. When one sees the process of dcvelopment from the perspective of those who are underdeveloped as a result of its resource intensity, the 'take- off often gets translated to 'roll-down' into underdevelopment or ecological disasters. Britain's 'take-off at the end of the 18th century was made possible by the underdevelopment of the colo- nies in three continents. The destruc- tion of Indian textiles industry and Indian agriculture, the slave trade from Africa and the genocide of the indigen- ous North American people were the preconditions for the economic growth in the centers of modern industry in Britain. The illusion of the contem- porary take-off stage in countries like India and the vision of a flight to the 21st century are made possible through a similar process of the invisible de- struction of the base for survival of millions of marginal people. The opposi-

tion of the ecology movements to re- source destructive development and growth arises from the recognition that the creation of resources for growth is achieved through the destruction of resources for the survival of the peo- ple. The Rostowian fiction of the take- off of the whole society with improved quality of life for all the members ignores the economic polarisation and ecological destruction inherent in re- source intensive development. It appears real because under the historical condi- tions of colonialism or enclavised dcvel- opment the invisible costs of growth arc borne by the colonies or hinterlands. The geographical separation of the re- gions benefitting and the regions losing in the process left the resource destruc- tion of the colonies and the hinterlands invisible and led to the superficial im- pression that economic growth takes place in an absolute sense. This impres- sion was used to universalise the Ros- towian model for all countries, all people and all historical periods and this became the ideology of development.

The ideological universalization and enclavisation of the process of growth and development is the reason for the simultaneousexistence of underdevclop- ment alongside economic growth in the newly independent countries like India which accepted quick and resource intensive industrialization as the path towards development. Like the erstwhile colonies, interior and resource rich areas of the country are bearing the costs of resources diversion and destruction run the resource intensive process of development. Communities living in these interior regions and supporting then~selves on the local resources are

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as a result lacing serious threat to their survival.

1 h e ecological relationship of the growth of affluence for a few regions and some people, on the one hand, and the collapse of the resource base for survival for many, on the other, clearly contradicts Rostow's notion o f the third stage of take-off in which 'old blocks and resistances' are overcome and the prosperity of the enclaves becomes pervasive throughout society. The im- poverishment of the peripheries and the erosion of the resources and rights of marginal communities actually pay for the material basis of the prosperity of the enclaves. This prosperity can neither be reproduced for regions and peoples whose impoverishment and deprivation arc rooted n~titcnally and ecologically in the same process of growth nor can the enclavisation process be sustained. Thc new poverty and dispossession create new 'blocks and resistances' to the diffusion of the development process, making enclave developnlent and under- development of the hinterland a per- manent feature of developn~ent based on resource intensive processes. Dichot- omising tendencies and principles of exclusion seem to reflect the situation more realistically than the linear model of progress. The simplistic dichotomy between the modern and traditional sectors of the linear model is mislead- ing because the traditional itself i s transformed and underdeveloped by the resource demands of the modern sector. This misleading dichotomy needs to be replaced by the more complex contradiction between sectors of society making conflicting and

unequal demands on limited resources; between demands for profits and requirements of survival; between sustainable and non-sustainable put- terns of resource use, and between socially just and unjust use of natural resources. The reality of the ecological non-sustainability of the accepted devel- opment model and the threat to sur- vival arising from it need to be internal- ized into a new framework for under- standing of economics and technology in a more authentic and less illusionary manner. The ecology movements are providing these insights for this new realism based on resource-sensitivity and recognition of people's right to survival.

While the above analysis emanates fro111 the situation in the market economy oriented countries within the Third World, the issues raised by it are univ- ersal in character. Serious rethinkins about the delicate relationship between economy and ecology is going on in both the advanced market economies and the socialist countries. Humankind as a whole is feeling a special respon- sibility towards the global future. It is looking for a new philosophy to live in harmony with nature and ecology that is needed to give a new meaning and relevance to economics 6 .

Three economies of natural resources A new and holistic relationship between econon~ics and ccology depends o n 21

holistic understanding of the natural re- source process and utilizations associat- ed with human societies and the natural eco-systems. The dominant ideology of

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development has been concerned only with the use of natural resources for con~nlodity production and capital accumulation. It ignores the resource processes that have been regenerating natural resources outside the realm of human existence. It also ignores the vast resource requirements of the large number of people whose needs are not satisfied through the market mechan- isms. The ignorance or neglect of these vital economies of natural resources processes and survival has been the reason why ecological destruction and threat to human survival have remain- ed hidden negative externalities of the development process. To make good this shortcoming it is necessary' to corn- prehend the place of natural resources in all the three ccoiiomies.

l 'he inconipleteness of modern eco- nomies in handlingnnatur;il resources in their ecological totiility has been voiced by many. The most penetrating descrip- tion comes from Gcorgescu-Roegen who wrote:

,> Hie no deposit 110 return analogy benefits the business~n~in's view of economic life. For, if one looks only (11 money, ail one can .see is that money just pusses from one I ~ i n d to tinollier; except by re,i~eltcible accident it never gets out of tlie economic process. Perhaps the absence of any (/tj/Iculty in securing r im materials by those countries where modern econo- mics grew and jloi~ri.t/~ed was yet mother reason for economists lo remain blind to t1ii.s cruciiil rconoinic fiictor. Not even the weirs the same nations foiiglzt for the control of the world's nizt~~rnl resources awoke the economists from their slumber 7.

While trade and exchange of goods and services have always been present in human societies, the acceptance of the market to the position of the highest organising principle of societies led tu the neglect of the other two vital econo- mies. The hidden negative externtilities have thus, created new forms of poverty and underdevelopment. The biggest problem is that when exclusive attention is being given [o nlonetary flows, re- quirements of natural resources not backed up by suitable purchasing power cannot be registered on the economic scene. As a result, specially in the con- text of the Third World, the place ol natural resources in the economy of natural resource production (or the nature's economy) or in the survival economy of non-marke~ consumption for biological sustenance of the mar- ginalised poor gets ignored. The political economy of the ecology movements cannot be understood without a clear coniprehen!>ion of the place of n:iturtil resources in the three distinct economi- es. The ecology movements are the first indicators of compatibility and conflict among the three competing demands over natural resources. In this way, the articulation of these three economies provide the foundation of 21

framework for an ecologically sustain- able and equitable process of economic development that ensures survival and does not threaten it. The benefits and costs associated with development pro- jects thus need to be evalu;ited noi only in the framework of thc market iconuiny but also ihe other two econo- mies associated with natural resources.

The words ecology and economy hiive emerged from the same Greek \surd

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oikos' or the household. Yet in the context of market-oriented developn~ent they have been rendered contradictory. 'Ecological destruction is an obvious cost for economic development' - the ecology movements are told. Natural resources are produced and reproduced through a conlplex network of ecological processes. Production is an integral pan of this economy of natural ecological processes but the concept of production in the context of development econo- mics has been exclusively identified with the industrial production system for the market economy. Organic productivity in forestry or agriculture has also been seen narrowly through the production of marketable products of the total productive process. This has resulted in vast areas of resource productivity, like the production of humus by forests, or regeneration of water resources, natural evolution of genetic products, erosional production of soil fertility from parent rocks, etc, remaining beyond the scope ofcconomics. Many of these productive processes are dependent on a number of ecological processes. These processes are not known fully even within the natural science disciplines and econo- mists have to make real efforts at internalising them. The paradox is that through the resource ignorant interven- tion of economic developn~ent at its present scale, the whole natural resour- ce system of our planet is under threat of a serious loss of productivity in the economy of natural process. At the present moment, the ecology move- ments are the sole voice to stress the economic value of these natural proces- ses. The market-oriented development process can destroy the economy of natural processes by overexploitation of

resources or by destruction of ecologi- cal processes that are not comprehen- ded by economic development. And these impacts do not necessarily occur within the period of the development projects. The positive contribution of econonlic growth from such develop- ment may prove totally inadequate to balance off the invisible or delayed negative externalities from their damage to the economy of natural ecological processes. In the larger context, econo- mic growth can, thus, itself become the source of underdevelopment. The ecological destruction associated with uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources for comn~ercial gains is a symptom of the conflict between the ways of generating material wealth in the econon~ies of market and the natu- ral processes. In the words of Corn- moner:

Unman beings have broken out o f t i l e c i r c l e of life driven not by, biological needs, but tin' sociiil organization uhicli they have h i s - ed to 'conquer' nature: means of' gaining wealth wliicli conflict wit11 those winch govern nature '.

Modern econon~ics and concepts of development covers a n~iniscule portion in the history of economic production by human beings. The survival economy has given human societies the material basis of survival by deriving livelihoods directly from nature through sell'-provi- sioning mechanisnls. In most of ihe I'hird World, a large number o l people are deriving their sustenance in the survival economy that remains invisible to market oriented development. Within the context of limited resource base. the

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destruction of the survival economy takes place through the diversion of natural resourccs from directly sustain- ing human existence to generating growth in the markct economy. Susten- ance and basic needs satisfaction is the organising principle for natur- 1 resource use in the survival economy in contrast to profits and capital accumulation being the organising principles for the exploitation of resources for the market. Human survival in India till today is largely dependent on the direct utiliza- tion of common natural resources . The ecology movements are raising their objections against the destruction of these vital commons so essential for human survival. Without clean water, fertile soils and crop and plant genetic diversity, economic development will become in~possible. Sometimes by omission and sometimes by commission, formal economic development activities have impaired the productivity of com- mon natural resources which has en- hanced the contradiction between the economy of natural processes and the survival economy.

The organising principles of economic development based on economic growth renders valueless all resources and re- source processes that are not priced in the market and are not inputs to con]- modify production. This premise very frequently generates economic develop- ment programmes that divert or destroy the resource base for survival. While the diversion of resources, like diversion of land from multipurpose community forests to monoculture plantations of industrial tree species or destruction of common resources, or diversion of water from staple food crops and

drinking water needs to cash crops are frequently proposed as programmes for economic development in the context of the market economy, they create ccono- mic underdevelopment in the economies of nature and survival. The ccology movements are aimed at opposing these threats to survival from the markct based economic development. Thus in the Third World ecology movements are not the luxury of the rich but are a survival imperative for the majority of the people whose survival is not being taken care of by the market economy but is threatened by its expansion.

The political foundation of the ecology movements lie in their capacity to cn- large the spatial, temporal and social basis for the evaluation of development projects - in their capacity to bring into the picture all the three cconomies described above. A new economics of development will emerge only when these three economies can be concep- tualizcd within a single framework.

Technology choice: towards holistic ecological criteria

When economic development program- mes are seen in the perspective of all the three economies, a clearer view of the political economy of the conflicts over natural resources is expected to emerge. In the dominant mode of economic development perceived from within the framework of market econo- my, mediation of technology is assumed to lead to control over larger and largcr quantities of natural resources, thus

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turning scarcity into abundance and poverty in affluence. Technology, ac- cordingly, is viewed as the motive force for development and the vital instru- ment that guarantees freedom from dependence on nature. The affluence of the industrialised West is assumed to be associated exclusively with this capac- ity of modern technology in generating wealth.

I'he concept of technology per se as a source of abundance and freedom from nature's ecological limits are in pan based on the limitations of market eco- nomy in understanding in a holistic manner the resources i t exploits. Only when development processes are view- ed in the holistic perspective o f all the Lhree economies can the scarcities and under-development, associated with abundance and development, be clearly seen. Most resource intensive technol- ogies operate in the enclaves with cnornious amounts of various resources coming from diverse ecosystems which are normally far away. This long, indirect and spatially distributed process of resource transl'er made possible by energy intensive long distance transport - ation leaves invisible the real rnateri;~! demands of the technological processes of development.

The spatial separation of resource ex- haustion and creation of products have also considerably shielded the inequality creating tendencies of modern techno- logies. Further, i t is simply assumed that t he benefits of economic development based on modern technologies will automatically get percolated to the poor and the needy, growth will ultimately take cure of the problems of distributive

justice. This would, of course, be the case, if growth and surplus were in a sense absolute and purchasing power existed in all socio-economic groupings. None, however, is correct. Surplus is often generated at the cost of ecological productivity of natural resources or at the cost of exhausting the capital of non-renewable resources. For the poor, the only impact of such economic activity, very often, is the loss of their resource base for survival.

It is, thus, no accident that the modern, efficient and 'productive' technologies created within the context of growth in market economic terms are associated with heavy social and ecological costs. . . I he resource and energy intensity ol the production processes they give rise to demands ever-increasinpesource withdrawals from the natural ecosys- tems. These excessive withdrawals in course of time disrupt essential ecologi- cal processes and results in the con- version of renewable resources into non- renewable ones. A forest provides inexhaustible supplies of water and biomass including wood, over time if us capital stock, diversity and hydrological stability are maintained and i t is har- vested on a sustained yield basis. The heavy and uncontrolled market demand for industrial and commercial wood, however, requirescontinuous overfelling of trees which destroys the regenerative capacity of the forest ecosystems and over time converts the forests to non- renewable resources. Sometimes the damage tonature's intrinsic regenerative capacity is impaired not directly by overexploitation of a particular resource but indirectly by damage caused to other natural resources related through

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ecological processes. Thus under tropi- cal monsoonic conditions overfelling of trees in catchment areas of streams and rivers destroys not only forest resources, but also stable, renewable sources of water. "ITie resource intensive industries do not merely disrupt essential ecologi- cal processes by their excessive demands for raw materials, they also destroy and disrupt vital ecological processes by creating pollution of essential resources like air and water. In the words of Rothman:

The private economic rationality of the profit seeking business enterprise is a murderous providence because it cannot guarantee the optimum use of resources for socieq as a whole. It cannot avoid continually creating situations which cause tlie pollution of an environment l''.

In the context of resource scarcity where most resources are already being utilized for the satisfaction of the sur- vival needs, further diversion of resour- ces to new uses will have the possibility of threatening survival and generating conflicts between demands of economic growth and requirements of survival. It therefore becomes essential to evaluate the role of new technologies in eco- non~ic development on the basis of their resource demands and its conflict with the demands of survival. The produc- tivity of a technology in the perspective of human survival must distinguish outputs in terms of their potential for satisfaction of vital or non-vital needs, because on the continued satisfaction of vital needs depends human survival.

In the context of the market economy,

the indicators of technological efficiency and productivity arc independent of the difference between the satisfaction of basic needs and luxury requirements, between resources extracted by ecolog- cally sensitive or insensitive technologies or of the nature of the contribution of economic growth to the diverse socio- econonlic categories. In the context of a highly non-uniform distribution of purchasing power and scanty knowledge of or respect for ecological processes, economic growth depends on produc- tion and consumption of non-vital products. The expansion of the formal sector of economy for the production of non-vital goods very often leads to further diversion of vital natural resour- ces. In a world of limited and shrinking resource base, and in the framework of market economy, luxury non-vital rc- quirements start getting satisfied at the cost of vital needs for survival. Thc high powered pull of the purchasing capacity of the rich of the world can draw out necessary resources in spite of resource scarcity and resulting conflicts.

I'he ideological and limited concept of 'productivity' of technologies has been universalised with the consequence that all other costs of the economic process become invisible. "I'he invisible forces which contribute to the increased 'pro- ductivity' of a modern farmer or factory worker come from the increased con- sumption of non-renewable natural resources. Lovins has described this as the amount of 'slave' labour at present at work in the world. According to him each person on earth, on average pos- sesses the equivalent of about 50 slaves, each working a 40 hour week. Man's annual global energy conversion from

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all sources (wood, fossil-fuel, hydro- electric power, nuclear) at the resent t ine S a p p o i m a e y x ^ w a t t s . This is more than 20 times the energy content of the food necessary to feed the present world population at the FAO standard per capita requirement of 3,600 cals/day.

In terms of workforce, therefore, the population of the earth is not four billion but about 200 billion, the important point being that about 98 percent of them do not eat conven- tional food. The inequalities in the distribution of this 'slave' labour bet- ween different countries is enormous, the average inhabitant of the US for example, liaving 250 rimes as many 'slaves' as the 'average Nigerian'. And this, substantiully, is the reason for the difference in efficiency between the American and Nigerian econo- mies: it is not due to the differences in the average 'efficiency' of tlie people themselves. There seems no way of discovering the relative effi- ciencies of Americans and Nigerians. If Americans were short of 249 of every 250 'slaves' they possess, who can say how 'efficient' they would prove //ietnseh'es to be l].

The increase in the levels of resource consumption is taken universally as an indicator of econon~ic development. If the present level of resource consump- tion in the US is accepted as the devel- opment objectives of India, the total resource demands of 'developed' India can be calculated by multiplying the current resource consumption by a factor of 250. Neither our forests, our fields or rivers can sustain such a

"development". When the per capita resource consumption is considered, the Malthusian argument relating popula- tion with resource scarcity does not hold good. More significant than the population factor is the total resource factor. Thus, although many countries of the South have a much larger popul- ation than those of the North, the industrialized quarter of the world uses more grain than all the other three quarters put together. This high con- sumption is due to the fact that inten- sive livestock production in industri- alized countries accounts for 67 per cent of their total grain consumption. This process of livestock management tor the production of meat, as reported by O d u n ~ , requires ten calories of cncr- gy input to produce one calorie of food energy l* . The energy subsidy provided by the capital stock of the Earth's non- renewable resources make a resource inefficient process look as efficient in the market economy. It is interesting to note that even in the West, about a century back, one calorie of food was produced by using a fraction of a calo- rie of energy input. The same is true in the economics of water resources use in modern agriculture. When the pro- duction of high yielding varieties of seeds are evaluated, not on productivity per unit land (tons/ha) but per unit volume of water input (tonsk lit) these miracle seeds of Green Revolution are seen as 2-3 times less efficient in food production than, say, the millets. The results of evaluation of technological efficiency of processes associated with economic development, when re-ex- amined on a holistic basis and optimised against all resource inputs, would gcner- ally lead to the conclusion that

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the much talked of efficiency of widely practiced high technology is not intrinsically tnie. They are, in fact, highly wasteful of materials and pollutive (that is destructive to the productive potential of the environ- ment) .

New technologies in the market econo- my are innovated for profit maximiza- [ion and not to encourage resource prudence per se. 'Ihe extent of inef- ficiency in the utilization of natural resources with production processes based on resource intensive technologies can be illustrated with the production of soda ash, an important industrial material. In the Solvay process for the production of soda ash, the two mate- rials used are sodium chloride and lime- stone. The entire limestone used in the process ends up as waste material. Twenty-five per cent of the sodium chloride is lost as unreacted salt. From the balance 75-80 percent the acidic half is lost and only the basic half goes into the final product. 'Iherefore, only 40 per cent of the raw materials con- sumed are actually utilized. The waste products go to pollute land and water resource systems. 'I'he economy of the process is artificially made good by concessions in procuring limestone, salt and fuel and further concessions in respect of land, transport, etc. It is such subsidies of natural resources which makes the counter-productive processes appear as efficient.

Guided by a narrow distorted concept of efficiency and supported by subsidies of all types, technological change in market economy oriented development continues in a direction of resource

intensity, labour displacement and ecolo- gical destruction. The long-term con- tinuation of such processes will lead to the destruction of the resource base of the survival economy and to human labour rendered dispensable in the production processes of the market economy. The partisan assumptions of modern economic development which cannot internalize the economy of natural processes and the survival economy are thus being raised to the level of universality. As a result, with the expansion of economic development in the Third World, the resource inten- sive and socially partial development is leading to social instability and conflicts. While the ecology movements in the industrial countries are directed against more recent threats to survival like pollution, the ecology movements in the Third World have a much longer history related to resource exhaustion and ecological degradation of natural eco- systems. It is in these countries that the holistic ecological criteria for tech- nology choice is needed most urgently.

Market push towards ecologi- cal destruction

In the absence of a deeper understand- ing of the economy of natural processes and the survival economy, the critique of the market economy oriented deve- lopment, technology choice and natural resource use that is presented by the ecology movements as a critique of a particular development and technology paradigm is naively construed as a critique of development per se, tech- nology per se and against any form of

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intervention into nature and natural resources. In this way the intervention of the market is tautologically defined ;is the only justified route towards development and introduction of short- term profit maximizing technologies become the only vehicle for achieving I t .

' h c ideology of this development is limited within the limits of market economy. It views the natural resource conflicts and ecological destruction as separate from the economic crisis, and proposes solutions to the ecological crisis in the expansion of the market system. A.s a result, instead of prograni- mes of p d u a l ccologicul rcgenercition of natural resources, their immediate and enhanced exploitation with higher capital investment gets prescribed as a solution of the crisis of survival. Clausen. as the president of the World Hank, recommended that 'a better en- vironment, more often than not, dc- pends on continued economic growth'. In a more recent publication Chandler further renews the argument in favor of a market orientcd solution for the ecological problems cind believes that concern for conscrvanon can only come through the market 1 4 . This non-organic growth was questioned by the African hrmers in the following words, 'Can you turn a calf into a cow b\ plastering it with mud?' Is. There are some false assumptions behind such expectations for the market solutions to ecological crises, particularly in the context of the Third World countries. The anarchy of growth and the ideology of development based on it are the prime reasons be- hind the ecological crises and destruc- tion of natural resources. Introduction

of unsustainable cash crops in large parts of Africa is among the main reasons behind the ecological disaster in that continent. ' 1%~ destruction of the ecological balance of the rainforests of South America is the result of the growth of agribusiness and catile ranch- ingin the clearfelled areas. The busi- ness groups encouraging cash cropping can move out when the productivity of the newly opened land will fall. They have no compulsion towards the eco- logical rehabilitation of the ravaged land. They command the resource base by making decisions that transcend their basis in legal ownership. but do not have to bear the ecological costs of the destruction of soil and water systems. I h e costs of destruction of Africa's grazing kinds and farm-land, and of Latin America's forests have not been borne by transnational food business but by the local peasants and tribals. Agribusiness just moves on to other resources and other sectors to maintain and increase profits. The global market economy has no internal mechanism for ensuring ecological rehabilitation ol' natural resources destroyed by the market ~tsclf. The costs of ecological destruction is left behind to be borne by the residents of the respective arcas alone who participate in the survival economy of the same land. Under these conditions the market is incapable of responding to the requirements of the economy of nature and the econ- omy of survival. Lvcn while the market economy erodes nature's economy and creates new forms of poverty and dis- possession, the market is proposed us the solution to the problem of ecologi- cally induced poverty. Such a situation arises because [he expansion of the

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market is mechanically assumed to lead to development and poverty alleviation. In the ideology of ihe niiirket, people are defined as poor because they do not participate overwhelmingly in the mark- et economy and do not consume com- n~oditics produced for and distributed through the market even though thcy might satisfy those needs through self- provisioning mechanisnls. They are perceived as poor and backward if they cat self-grown nutritious niillets and not commercially produced, commercially distributed processed food. They are seen as poor and backward if they live in ecologically suited, self-built housing I'rom local natural resources like hiin]- boo, stone or mud instead of cement concrete bought from the n~tirket. They are seen as poor and backward ii thcy wear indigcnously designed handmade garments of natural 1ibrc instead of mechanically rnanufaciurcd clothes made of man-made libers. The cultural- ly conceived poverty biiscd on non- western modes of consun~ption is ol'tcn mistaken to be misery. Culturally per- ceived poverty is not materially rooted poverty or misery. Millets or maize, the common non-westcrn sniple, ;ire nutri- iiormlly far superior to processed foods and tire again becoming popular in the west as health foods through the alter- native movement. IIuls built with local materials represent an ecologically more evolved method of providing shelter for hunitin communities than the concrete houses in many rural socio-ecologic cuiidnions. Natural fibres and local cos- mines are far superior in satisfying the region-specific need for clothing than the manufactured nylon and tcrclenc clothing, especially in the tropical clinia- te. These culturally induced perceptions

of poverty and backwardness have provided a great deal of undeserving egitin1izution for the accepted form ot development, which has, in turn created further conditions for invisible material poverty, or misery, by the denial of survival needs theniselves through re- source intensive production processes. Cash crop production and food proc- essing divert land and water resources away from sustenance needs, and ex- clude increasingnumbers of people from their entitlement to food as de- scribed by Barnett:

siltion are probably responsible for more hungry people than eillier cnii'l wars and unusual whims of nature. Tliere are several reasons why the lli@-ieclinolom-exporl-crop model incre(ue.~ It~~nger. Scareeland, crc'dit, n,ii/er and /eclinology are pw-i'wp- fed for [lie export market. Mo\i I~[;ngqpeople are not affected by llm /n(~rA-e/ (it all. .. The profits j7ow to corporarions tluit have no interut in feedingl~~inpypeople without money 16

I'he correlation o f development, as a n etiuri in poverty removal and ihc actual creation of conditions of material pover- ty as a result is best exemplified by the Ethiopian case. The displacement of nomadic Afars from their traditional pasture lands in Awash Valley due to the pressures of commercial agriculture organised by the foreign companies Icd to their struggle for survival in the fragile uplands which degraded the ecosystem and led to the starviition of cattle and the nomads. "1'he market economy thus conflicted with thc sur- vival economy and nature's economy in

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the uplands. At no point has the global marketing of agricultural con~modities been assessed in the background of the new conditions of scarcity and poverty that i t has induced. The new poverty is no-longer cultural and relative. It is ab- solute, threatening the very survival of millions on this planet. At the root o l the new material poverty lies an econo- mic paradigm which is governed by the forces of the market. It cannot iissess the extent of its own requirements for natural resources, and i t cannot assess the impact of this demand on ecolog- ical stability and survival. As a result economic activities that are most effi- cient and productive within the limited context of market economy, often be- comes inefficient and destructive in the context of the other two economies of nature and survival.

1'he logic of the n~arket by uself is not adequate to induce these changes in resource use that threaten ecological destruction and survival. Development us an ideology allows the indirect entry of global market domination. It creates a need for international aid and foreign debt which provide the capital for such development projects that comn~ercialize or privatise resources. Control over local resources thus increasingly shifts out of the hands of local con~n~unities and even national governments into the hands of international financial institu- tions. The conditions for loan determine the mode of utilization of natural re- sources. The pressure of repayment and servicingof debts further consolidates the globalisation. Total integration with the global market economy thus mar- ginalises the concern for the economy of natural processes and the survival

economy. In the resulting anarchy of resource use, the visible enclaves of economic development with their elite minority residents get a disproportion- itcly high access to resources and the invisible hinterlands of economic under- development, the homes of the silent majority, are left with shrinking access to a shrinking resource base.

I'he ecology movements in India are the expression of protests against the des- truction of the two vital economies of natural processes and survival from the anarchy of development based on market economy. Il is not surprising that these movements are strongly critical of the international lending institutions, whose finance fuels the process of the monetary growth orient- ed economic developn~ent at the cost of ecology and survival. Thus, it is also not surprising that the international lending institutions and the elite of the recipient countries look down on the ecology movements as obstructionists and anti-progress, since they are con?- n~itted to obstruct ecological destruction and halt the process that results in progress for a few and regress for thc many. In the whole perspective o f the three economies, the proverbial cake is shirking, while in the limited perspective of market economy there is a short- term and unsustainable growth. There is increasing scarcity of water, of forms of bion~ass like fodder, fuel, etc, and there is ever-increasing tendency of short rnetereological drought turning into large-scale desertification. On the other hand there are more bottled drinks, more milk and milk products in urban markets, more flowers and veget- ables for the urban export markets.

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Left to itself the development program- mes of the Third World, would have, by now, internalized the vital economies of natural processes and survival. The appearance of large international aid projects and loans, however, induces a tremendous support to the classical model of growth based development. It is from this perspective that the ecology movements are critically evaluating the international financial institutions and their aid-lending programmes. In this respect, the most vocal criticisn~s have been made against agencies like the World Bank and its regional counter- parts. There are three important rea- sons why ecology movements are so critical of the multilateral development banks (MDB).

Firstly, much of the loans and credits from these banks go to environnlentally sensitive areas such as agriculture, forestry, dams and irrigation. In 1983, half the project loans of about US$22 billion were directed to these sectors. Thus, although as a percentage of tot;il economic investment these loans ac- count for a fraction, in terms of the impact on natural resource systems they are very signihcant 17. 'The second reason why these MDBs are crucial to determining development patterns and resource use in Third World countries is that they require borrowing govern- ments to demonstrate commitment to projects by pledging so called 'coun- terpart' funds and making complemen- tary investments of their own. The World Bank in particular has over- whelming influence on overall develop- ment policy through its country pro- gramming papers, sector policy papers and country econonlic memoranda. But

the MDU's greatest leverage is in 'structural adjustment' and sector lend- ing by which the Banks' influence long- term economic policy and not just single projects. The Structural Adjustment Loans of the World Bank are creating long-term institutional changes towards privatisation and the adoption of ;l

strategy of export led growth, both of which strongly influence the pattern o f control over and utilization of natural resources.

The third mechanism by which MDUs affect the utilization ofri;itural resources is through the links between foreign aid and export financing. In 1978, Johnston Jr, deputy assistant secretary of state, bureau of economic and business af- fairs, testified to the US Congress that 'ever)' dollar we pay into the MDlk generate about US33 in business for US firms'. Bushneil, deputy director lor "developing nations" of the US depart- ment of treasury stated before the sub- committee on foreign operations of the House appropriations con~mittee on 16 March 1976:

From US national point of view, these banks encourage development along lines compatible with our own economy. The\ stress tlie role of market forces in the effective alloca- tion of resources and the devdop- ment o f outward-looking trading economies ... Our participation ... in international development banks will also provide more assured access to essential raw materials, and a better climate for US investment in t he developing world l'.

The heavy involvement of ii'iternational

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finance in the economic development ot the Third World countries changes the natural resource management strategies in drastic ways. Rapid growth of export oriented resource utilization has led to countries being caught in the debt trap with which comes ecological degrada- tion. The linkage of borrowing and ecological degradation can be exempli- fied with the case of Hrazil. In 1980-82 period, Brazil was borrowing about US$ 300 million per year which rose to about US$ 950 million in 1983 ancl 1984. When the disbursements were used up Brazil was not able to provide the counterpart funds to complete the projects and loan repayment started on incomplete projects. The load comes on farming for export, leading to more deforestation, more human displacement in the Amazon. The story of Africa, the continen! with the most serious ccologi- cal crisis is n o different. In 1983 there were no African countries amongthe big debtors. Today, the external debt of the fony-two sub-Saharan economies is in the order of US$ 130-135 billion. I 'he case of Sudan is illustrative of what is happening to Africa. A few years ago, agencies like FAO saw Sudan as having the greatest agriculture potential, espe- dally for export crops. Sudan did 'devel- op' its agriculture, with heavy borrow- ing. Today, Sudan has a US$ 78 million proposal for emergency aid and USS 213 million in interest due, after re- scheduling on US$ 10 billion external debt. Thousands of Africans are dying because development first desiroyed their susten;incc base and now paying the debts for that development is fur- (her depriving them of their entitlement to survival. When the whole economy is in such a shape Africa's ecological

regeneration is surely ;i far cry

The need for a development [hat will lead to improved standards of living not undermine them, that will create ecological stability, not instabilities. is clear. The crises of market orientation of economic development has created responses from the local con~nlunities as well as from ecological movements. The contribution of international devel- opment aid and loan to the processes o f ecological destruction of the resource base for survival in the Third World h;is provided the platform for a joint globiil response o f the ecology movements in the North as well ;IS in the South.

The ecology movements need to be aiiiilyyed against the background of the forces of economic ilevelopment. The various dimensions ofsocial movements, for survival, for democratic values, for decentruliscd decision-making at the local levels arc ;ill components of the ecology movements. While at the local level they may demand better ni:ii~agc- ment of forests in mountain catchments or better conservation of water in drought-prone areas, o n the whole they arc slowly progressing towards defining i n alternative niodel for economic development - a new economics for :I

new civilization. That is how ecology movements all over the world are coming closer as an upcoming political force that will put its signature in the history of humankind in the coming few decades.

Under such pressures the agencies ot classical models of development are also turning 'environmental' overnight, and a new co-option attempt has began.

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Time for the ultimate battle between the traditional concepts of development ind the new ecological developmcnt is drawing nearer. The new packaging of old development model is characterized by the co-option of the language of the movements to decorate the contents of old development programmes guided by the market and biased in favor of those who already enjoy economic superiority. \section of'non-government organisa- tions' is taking on as the new delivery system in place of the governinent;il oryiinizations. With the help of these NGOs or newly named people's or- :unizations (POs), :I grout deal of inter- national aid is focussing on environn~ent i s a sector for funding . New forestry programmes, drought protection pro- grammes, etc, are being handed over to the NCO sector, as if leaving mat- ters to tliese NGOs mean a new con- t'eptii;il framework for developn~ent. I t is furgotten that as long as the develop- mcnt progriinlmes ;ire framed within the limits of 111;irket economy and do not internalize the economy of natural processes and the economy o f survival, results cannot be different. "Ihc fun- d:mcntnl difference between hollow - decorative environn~entalisn~ and deep - scientific ecolony must be understood. With the help of such a clarity ecolo&y movements which emerged against uncontrolled deforestation has also stood up against ecologically harmful afforestation programmes, as in the case of social forestry based on eucalyptus monoculturc. While water from the unilcrground iiquifcrs can save the people from an impending disaster, ecology inovementsare opposing uncon- trolled uptake of groundwaier because

i t gocs against both economy of natural processes and the economy of survival. 'Iherc is a criticisn~ from the prota- gonists of hollow environn~entalism that deep ecological arguments can wait, what cannot wait is instant cnvironn~en- tal action. In this way much of the activism of ecology movements is being fettered away in micro level actions while their challenges at the micro- conceptual level gets diffused. The task of the ecology' movements is to face both the challenges in a cuordinatcd form.

I'he ccolo&y nlovcmems have r:iiscd issues that on the one hand, touch upon the question of activating micro- action plan to safeguard natural proces- ses and survival, while, on the other hand, providing the macro-concept of ecological development in the globiil. national and regional spaces. The issue is not simply of planting trees here 01 protecting a tiger there. 'I'he issue is related to a fundamental chtinge in human concepts about life, about devel- opnlcnt, about civilization. They arc related to the most central issues o f ecological degradation of nature's pro- ductivity that is threatening human survival at a global level. After about four decades of development efforts if the Third World is still faced with hunger, i t is time that the old devclop- nlent strategy be replaced by a new are that is based on a holistic understanding of the total situation. The ecology movement.'i ill ihe world h;ivc enii'u.'itcil themselves with this most challeng~ng task of evolvinghumane and sustain- able developn~cm.

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References

1. M K Gandhi, Young India, (20 December 1928), p.422.

2. J Bandyopadhyay and V Shiva, The Ecologist (Vol 17, Nol) pp.26-34; cf also Sunderlal Bachugana, 'Chipko, the pcople's movement with a hop for the suwival of mankind', m Dossier 63.

3. Usha Rai, The Times of India (New Delhi, 28 December 1986).

4. Rajni Kothari, IFDA Dossier 52. pp 4-14.

5. W 1; Rostow, The stages of economic growth (1979).

6. Amartya K Sen, Economics, Ecology and Public Action, personal communication.

7. N Georgescu-Roegen, The entory law and the economic progress (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974).

8. L3 Commoncr. The closing circle (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972) p.299

V. N S Jodha, Market forces and erosion of common property resources (Hyderabad: ICRISAT, 1986) niinieo.; Chhatrapati Singli, Common property and common povertv (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986).

10. H Rothman, Murderous Providence, (London: Rupert Hall-Davis, 1972)

1 1 1: Lovins, World Energy Strategies (London, 1975) p.133.

12. 1; l' O'duni, E c c ) I o ~ (New York: Holt, Rinehardt and Wilson, 1975) p.210

13. J N Mukerjee, Forward with nature (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1979) p.5.

14. W D Chandler, Worldwatch paper 72 (Washington: Worldwatch Institute, 1986).

15. J Timberlake, Africa in crisis, Earthscan (London. 1985) p.154

10. S R Barnett, The lean years, (London: Abacus, 1980) p.171.

17. Sierra Club, Bankrolling disasters (Washington, 1986); B Rich, 'The Multilateral Development Banks, environmental policy and the US', Ecology Law Quarterly (Vol 12, N04, 1985).

18. Ibon, Facts and ligures (Manila, 15 September 1982).

9 . Kajni Kothari, 'NGOs, the State and World Capitalism', Economic and Political Weeklv (Vol XXI Nc'50, 13 December 1986).

(An earlier version of t h i s paper appeared in the Economic and Political Weekh; Bombay, 11.06.88).

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ifda dossier 71 . mai/juin 1989 nouvelles du tiers systkme

Rkseau Sud-Nord Cultu- res et 'D6veloppement9

Ne cuez pas culcurellerneni sous priiexte de vouloir nourrir physiquemem.

Joseph Ki-Zerbo

militants 'tiers mondistes', des universitaires pratiquant l'interdisciplinarit6, des associa- lions citoyennes du Sud et du Nord coni- mencent 3 ktudier, 3 l'aide d'un regard holiste, les relations souvent contlictuelles entre les cultures autochtones et Ie dkve- loppement et a se dkpouiller de leur eth- nocentrisme souvent inconscient.

[Jne forte pression finit par 'coca-coloniser' les peuplcs, 3 les destructurer et a Saire passer hommes et femmes de l'eire 3 I'uvoir, dc la solidarity au profit individuel, de la couverture dcs besoins locaux a la produc- tion pour I'exportation. de relations har- nionieuses avec la nature et Ie voisin S des relations de domination et de concurrence. Noussommes tous n~enacesd'appauvrisscni- cnl culture!, dc perte de sens.

(,~'est souvent par Ie bias du 'd6vdoppe- iient' que s'opkre Ie d6racinement culturel dcs peuples du 'I'icrs Monde. Or, quand l'identite d'un peuple s'appauvnt, i l s'engage sur la voie du fatalisme o n de I'incrtie: le contraire du d6veloppenlcnt! C'est ce qui explique I'echec de tan! dc projets. Au- jourd'hui, des communaut6s huniaines cornmencent a r6sister 2 I'ali6nation cul- turelle et 2 l'exploitation cn rccourant aux sources de leur creativity: leur sagcsse, leur cosniologie, leur religion. D'autres facons dc concevoir Ie profit, Ie travail et la liberte s'affrontent aux projets d'inspiration in- dividualiste et productiviste pronius par les piiys du Nord et Ies bureaucraties locales. I.cs coiiiiaissances et savoir-faire autoch- tones en agriculture, artisar~;it, r116decine. droit ... ottrcnt des altcrnativcs au d6velop- pciiicnt ii I'occidentale.

1:. . A d : \'d clocllardisation du Tiers Monde

et 2 son appauvrisseiiient culturel, facc aussi 2 1'6touffement du Nord sous I'inlpact d'une ideologie rrieitkrialiste et tcchniciste, des

Le Rhseau Sud-Nord Cultures et 'Dbvc- loppement' leur offre une platcSornie dc contact, d'khange d'expkriences et dc rkflexions. I1 est ouvert a tous ccux qui veulent lutter effiacement centre l'inip6ria- lisme culturel du d6veloppenient niinietiq~~e. Ce nouveau rfaeau suscite des contacts au Sud et au Nord et t'acilite I'interconiniunica- lion nationale, r6gionale. Sud-Sud, Nord- Nord, et Sud-Nord. 11 est appel6 2 jouer un r61e de reflexion originale et de pression politique nouvelle en faveur du droll des peuplcs a la dilKrence. 11 assure la scnsil>ili- sation du public occidental cl la lor11iat11111 de responsables d'associations citoyennes dc d6veloppement cn matikre culturelle. 11 touche a la question fondamentale du sens (signification protonde et direction) Ju dt5vcloppenlent. 11 estime qu'd cst inutile de se consacrer a l'urgent si on d6l;iissc 'important. 11 pense qu'il est urgent dc prendre au s6rieux la culture economiquc, politique et technique propre A cliaque peuple, afin qu'il se donne un avenir a lui plut6t que de se fourvoyer dans l'impasse niortelle du d6veloppement imitatif (qu'il soil nko-hbkral ou collcctiviste-autoritaire).

(Adresse actuelle: c10 %COD, 23 Avt711i1t' d'Auderghein, 1040 Bruxelles, Bdgiqm'. S'udrcsser it: Murc Luycks, Edith dc ISocr- Sizoo, Thierry Verhclst on llas.san Zuonul pour Ie Bureau du rkseau en Europe)

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Peuples Solidaires pr6- sente R6seau-Solidarit6

La solidarit6 avec les peuples du Tiers Monde ne passe pas toujours par un trans- icrl financier. Mais elle suppose loujours un cnmbal commun conire les structures d'in- l~s t i ce .

Oepuis 1981, Rescau-Solidarile mobilise la o r c e d c I'opinion piiblique pour un iel combat. "Parlez! C'est cela qui nous aide duns nolre lulle ... I'urlez en f'.urope" disent lcs pays:iiis br&iliens en lutte pour la [erre. Ucpuis sepi ans. 3500 penonnes rCpondent fidCleineni aux appels d'lioniiiies el de teiii- iiies du Tiers Monde oppnilies dans leurs d r o i ~ s 6coiiomiques et sociiiu~: paysans en lutte pour la terrc. syndicalisies d'Alriquo dn Sud nu des Philippines, mineurs peru- \ iens sous-paves.

Moyen derisoire'? Ce serait oublier que "lcs pouvoirs tolalilaires ont bcsoin de la corn- plieilk du silence". Scpl iois sur di.x ces interventions font "bouger" quelque chose. 1<6sultais parfois inodestes, part'ois spec- laculaires ... Ainsi i l arrive que les menibres d e Rheau-Solidarit6 soienl convoqu6s par l Commission des Conin~unauK's lxuro- peennes, repivent des coups d e fil du '~ir le i i ic i i~ Luropeen, obtiennent dcs as- surances d c l:i Baii(1ue Mondiale.

An111112 par "I'euplcs Solidaires", Reseau- Solnjarite agil avec I'appui des associations Irllcs clue Ciniade, Solagral, Artisans du Monde. Cridev, Vie Nouvelle, Economic et Hun~aiiismc ... Cliaque adherent s'engage a *erire 4 A 5 lettres par an.

En quelques mots praticjues. ~ o i c i coinmerit cela ionctionne.

Des hommes ct des fernmcs du Tiers Monde, opprinifs dans l eun droits Cc<)- noniiques et sociaux. adressent un appel A R6seau-Solidarite.

Lc secretariat engage aussit6t uno cnquCle coiiipl6nientaire destinee a garantir Ie s6ricuxdel'inten.ention. I.'E<i>iil)e Ex6cutiie se reunit pour examiner Ie dossier et pren- dre la decision d'engager uu non I'upcrii- lion. Trois criteres son1 ici d61erminants:

'appel finane du Tiers Moiidc i l concerne des droits econoniiques ou sociaux Ies interess6s deinandent nolre intervcii- lion.

Si I'action esl rctenue, unc circul, .lire csl adresske aux inembres du Rkscau. Vous Irouverez line information sur la siluat~on. des consigncs pratiqucs el un moiielc dc lettre. A noter qu'une partie seulciiienl dcs adh6rents est sollicit& 2 chaque fois, dc sorte quc vous n'aurez vrairnenl O U ' ~ 6crire qualre ou cinq Icllrcs par an.

Cliaque triniestre, 1c bulletin SolidiirilC vous informe de toules les actions nicni5es el d c leurs rfsulliils.

I-es FCE se proposcnt d e publicr pci-iodi- quenient des appels et des niod2les dc letlrcs A envoyer, complain sur les 6chos et a c t i o n fiddle de ses lecteurs ci leclriccs.

[Source. Flashes-Contact-Ethanges, 131' 208. 201 2 Luxembourg]

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Kanaki: Lettre de la tribu

Sans doute allez-vous ?Ire ctonn6 dc rece- voir cette lettre venue d'une communaut6 iribale perdue au milieu de I'occan Paci- lique. Assur6ment, en regard des drarnes qui ensanglanlent la planete. atlirer votre .ittenlion sur 1c sort dc nutre trihu de 400 2111~s pcul scniblcr quelque pcu egoisle et. I I'heure dcs accords dc Miitignon. presque dCpliicC.

l:t pourt:inl! Dans 1'1nditterence genetale risque de se perpetuer pour nous I'opprcs- Men culoniale. Nous ne croyons pas aux nli- i c l c s . I.a conversion du colon n~ai trc ihso l~ i . violent, raciste, super-privil6gi6, en u n gcntil CO-actcur 6giilitairc d'un dtvclop- lenient kanak, ce serail du janiais vu dans 1'lu.sloirc d c I'huiiirinite. Nous risquons done dc ne piis voir venir uric telle mue mini- culcuse d'ici longtemps ~ i r 1c Caillou.

Des relations persoiin;ilisees directement ;ivec notre - ou d'autrcs - trihu(s) en Nou- velle Caledonie, a [ravers un 6ch:mge d c correpondance qui nous permette d e se inicux connaitre.

linsuile. que vous fiissief circ~iler cetle informalion aupi'cs de vos amis et contacts. dans les media associalits, locaux et natio- n;iiix.

Aiiisi. cn cas d'agi~essniii, si vous Ctcb lombreux 2 r6pondrc h noire projei. vous p o s s h i c r c ~ lcs 6 l ~ m c n l s n6ccss;iircs pour nous d6fendtc devant I'opinion et intcrvenir iiiipr?s dcs instances gouverncnicnialcs. Ces iiilcncnlinns en p6riodcs "chiiudcsv peuvenl nous ?ire d'un grand secours el ciilnier bien dcs ardcurs r6prcssives. tant en miitropole quc chc/ nous. et cela sauvera siins cioule quclqucs vies.

Nous vous proposons donc d'appi-endre, par voic 6pistolaire riigulikre, tout cc qu'on pourra vous dire de notre vie dc tous Ics jours, notre coutunle, nos pcincs, nos joies. notre lutte quotidienne contre Ie racisme. et nos efforts pour quitter ces camps d'in- lernenient que son! nos reserves - uu plus des deux tiers d'entre nous soul parquts. Bref. notre vie dc bantoustan et notre volont6 [Ten sortir.

d o t s . si vous Cles piirI.int avcc nous. nous vous dcmandons siniplement d'assurcr Ies irais d e correspondiincc que nous nc puu- vons assumer. I1 vous suft'il donc dc nous 6crire et dc nous signaler si vous ?tcs d'accord dc trouver autour de vous d*;mlrcs pcrsonncs in16rcss6es.

[[ten6 Gui.irt est par .ulleurs I'.iutcur JL D&veloppen~ent r116lan6sien en si1u;ilion coloniale, 88pp, clue 1'on pcut commiinder aupr6s du CEDRI, BP 42. OA300 Forcalquier, France]

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The Catalogue of Hope

I 'he Catalogue of Hope is a project of the International Futures Library in Salzburg. Austria.

1.ike the Library itself, the Catalogue of Hope is an initiative working for a better l i~ tu re . It will be an annual publication fe~ituring some of the many projects round the world, big and small, which a r e facing up to the numerous threatening crises of ou r times and developing positive new ppi-oacl ics beyond the conventional for- mulae of "growth" and "developnient" which :ire truly oriented towards a inore just, luim;in and sustainable world order .

I'hese projects a r e glimmerings of hope that there a r e viable solutions to liumanity's ii\vesome problems. It is vital that they a r e better known s o thiit their lessons a r e earned by and they give inspiration and encouragement to as many people a s pos- sihle. This is the catalogue's objective.

11 may be that you know o f a project o r initiative which could serve as such an inspiration for others. It so, I would be most grateful if you could send m e a s much iiilormanon about it a s readily conies to hiind. T h e following l'rojeet-Critcria and Guidelines show the s o n of project and int'orm.'ition in which we a r e interested.

'rojecl-criteria and guidelines

l . Projects for inclusion should be practi- ciil and preferably already in operation. While unlikely to be completely replicable, they should offer some scope and encour- iigement fur others to initi;itc similar pro- jects elsewhere. People a r e very welconie to .submit projects they have themselves 111-

itinted o r in which they a re involved.

2. Appropriate information about each project will necessarily he specitic to it, bin broadly it should contain:

a description of the motivation of the initiator(s), their biodata and relevant names and addresses:

the objectives and practical content of the project itself, including its philoso- phical background and strategies for achievement;

the project's positive and negative ex- periences, its successes and failures;

- the project's historical development and present status;

- a description of any alteiiipts t o Jib- seniinate the lessons learned through the project o r t o replicate it elsewhere.

3. The s o n of projects o r models which might be suitable for inclusion are :

new ways of handling money and m;iii:i- ging natural resources;

new, more harmonious relationships both between individuals and between human beings and nature;

a new formulation of the relationship between ecology and economy, and nev. models in science and commerce. reli- gion and spintuality. education and social communication;

new means of communication and dialo- gue between socially diverse groups:

and the outstanding activities and a t - titudcs of individuals, whether they a rc well-known o r not.

(Helmut van Loebell, International I'uiurrs Library, ltnbergsirmse 2, 5020 Salzburg Austr~a).

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Bangladesh: ARBAN (Association for the Re- alization of Basic Needs)

liangkidc-ih is a rtar born countiy in South Asia. The people of Bangladesh sulTered untold miseries, economic exploitation i ~ n d deprivation. social injustices, political s u b jugation, killings and torture and cultural domination fr-on1 Pakistani rulers. Thevvliole nation stood up and revolted with anus i i~i i i is l Pakistani repressions for esta blishing democracy and economic independence and fought armed struggle for nine months to achieve national independence. Since incrp- lion o n 16 Deceinber 1971 as sovereign and independent niition. B;ingl;idesli received more than USS20 billion mostly from West Asia. West Europe. Japan and North Aiiiericii as tcxxi, project iind conimodity aid to rciiress the sufl'erings and development 1 1 tlie people. Moreover, lot ol nritioiiiil ;ind iiiterniitiun:il NGOs :nid UN bodies li;ivc been undertaking different types of projects side by side with tlie government to elinii- n:ite tlie sufferings of the people of Bang- ladesh. Hut the assessment of all those efforts show that people's suffering were not removed o r reduced. Poverty, malnutrition, diseases, unemployment still persist and exploitation, injustice and deprivation rule the society and its people. The number of destitute and landless people increased from Wi in 1972 to 60% in 1988 who live below extrenie poverty level and r a n nut meet their basic necessities inspite o l tlic government lofty slog:iiis iind in:lssive propag.inda about development and costly primed visual achievenient reports of various agencies and organizations. The truth is that more than 85% people ol 13angl:idesli :ire very poor, \\liose per c:ipil;i income is less lliiin US$150, they are illiterate, ignorant, unemployed and i t a l i s t . They rem.'iin unl'ienefitted from the fruits ol independence and development initiatives. Moreover, they were adversely

affected by the so-called development projects, i.e. roads and highway, embank- ments, urbanization and industrialization. highway by-passes. international airports. children parks, stadiums. colour 'IV relily station, posh residential areas, etc. under- taken by the government. Worki liiink, IMF, KFW Bank. ADB. Islamic Bunk imil M) on.

In ~ i d i a depressing and sorrow socio- economic situation the Association for Reali~ation of Basic Needs (ARBAN) c;niie into being ARBAN. a ci t i~ens ' associiitmn. concerned with tlie rights and tlie basic needs of the people. wiis founded on 18 Februiiry 1984. ARBAN believes tl i ; i t all developmental projects and programmes designed and irnplenieiited by [lie govern- ment. 'NGOs' ;ind intern:itional u r ~ ~ i i i i - mtions should he directed to '~i i rds tlie fulfilment of ihc tiiisic needs ol tlie people n h o live in perpetual poverty, famine, mal. nutrition, disease. depriviition. indebiedness. injiisiiee imd exploitation.

Objectives

Flie broad objective o f A R U A N is, there- tore, lo arouse and advance people's aware- ness and awakening on various socio-ecoiio- mic. political, women, human rights, ecology and environmental issues for collective action for self determination. ARBAN believes that for achieving sustiiiiiahle development people who need development required to be genuinely informed :ind educated about the real reasons 01 poveriy. uiidcr-developi~~eiil and iiidel'ite~incss. Therefore. top niost priority has to be given on the spread of mass and scicntitic cduca- tion before undertaking any developmentiil projects. Mass and scientilic cd~ic:ition would liberate the suffering humanity from all forms ot bandages, i.e. ignorance, Wongq'education, fatalism, niisiiiforiii;itioii. injustices, exploitation and deprivation instead of enslaving and domesticating tlicni.

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Accordingly. ARBAN has decided the following programmes and functions for implen~entation:

Programme

(i) Information documentation and dis- semination services (ii) development educa- tion and extension programme (iii) deve- lopnienl of education materials (iv) devel- opment education and inlormation resource centre (v) audio-visual library' (vi) women's development programmes (vii) training. workshop, consultation, seminar, discussion forum, press conference etc. (viii) participa- t o y action research for development (LY)

development of human and institutional in- l r a s t ruc tu r r

Presently, ARRAN is involved in the dis- tricts of Dhaka, Comilla, Chandpur. Chittagong, Patuakhali, Kurigrani and I'abna in implementing the aforesaid progriimmes.

Strategy and emphasis

Fruitful and effective implementation of those programme needs concerted efforts t o be given nationally, regionally and global- ly, since now a days a particular problem of 1 nation is not a problem in isolation from the rest of the world. T h e whole world is interdependent and interlocked and all the problems faced by different nations a re interconnected. Therefore. collective ways and methodologies have to be evolved to face the challenge, the hegemony o f the so- called rich nations who control world economy, politics, ideology and information network systems to pursue llieir own inter- est.

labour has t o be set up t o achieve t h e following end:

. Genuinely concerned people's forum at local, regional and global level has t o be established.

. Independent information network dealing with aid, trade, indebtedness, armament , dis- armament , women, human rights. ecology, environment, consumer issues, peace move- ment, underdevelopn~ent, etc, has to be sct-

UP.

. South-South and South-North and regio- nal solidarity at the level of t he people both men and women has to be established to counter t he existing oppressive, anti-people and anti-development networks.

. T o identity the networks of different levels with the genuine ongoing struggles aiming a t national independence, struggle for democracy and economic emancipation.

(For further information, please write m Mohmtitriud Kainaluddin, Sccrctan,' General, ARBAA', FOB 2242, Dhaka 1000, Rat~gludesh).

In such a situation, ARUAN believes lhal 1 new economic order which will guarantee the fulfilment of the basic needs, ie. food, clothing, shelter, education, health of the people who live o n selling their physical

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El Salvador: Instituto de

ci6n y Desarrollo de la Mujer (IMU)

1;n 1.11 Salvador se libra un conflicto socio politico y econ6nnco cn el quc la miner sut're la mayor pane dc l:is consecuencias. puesto quc sobre sus liombros pesa toda la carfa familiar d c los nines. ancianos, etc. :iiitc la ausencia del piidre, esposo o familiar clue constituia cl sosten del hog;ir.

I'riidicionalmcntc la opresi6n a que sa ha visto sometidii la mujer en todos 10s aspec- o s d c la vida social siilvadorefia sc estA agravando cada vez niAs con la prolongaci6n dc lii gticrra.

121s lnstilut'iones Sociale.-, - tales como el M.'itrimonio - se hiin visto afect-ul:is con \a desintcgraci6n por c;ius;is no naturalcs, sino como productu del contlicto iirn~ado.

1.0s medios d e comunicuc16n social son ulilizados por cl sistema para infundir v;ilores, normas e iniAgenes que respondan 1 sus intercses de clasc dominantr

La desiguald:id econ6n1ica se acrecienta con el cierre y el despido d e las mujeres dc sus centros d e trabajo (induslrias, comercio, instituciones de servicio), en los que cl nuniero d e mujcres sobrepasa ;il d c los liornt>res. El comercio a1 por mayor y menor, que cs la rama en clue m i s se dcsenvuelve l mujcr, se ha visto disminuida tanto p m Iris dfeposiciorns econ6micas internas del psis, como por la falla dc sistenias crediticios 5giles y oportunos que ayudcn a las mujercs 2 ihrarsc d e b cxpIot:ici6n y del agiolisnio diario.

Los patrones culturales cstablecidos y sos- tenidos por el sistema imperante hacen quc

la nlujer gane nlucho menos que cl honi- brc. porquc, dada su niisma condici61i d c mujer tiene que responder tanto al cuid;ido ntcgro del hogar como al trabajo quc hii ogrado encontrar; en tal sentido busc.~ horanos disrninuidos. jornadas ¥ni lioras extras, turnos apropiados y trabajos clue se adapten a su condicihn dom&tica talcs como senricios. que es uno d e 10s n ~ c n o s valori/ados.

Asimismo esta socicdad la limita por su condic16n dc madre. parii optar al dercclio lie an t iyedad a la proinoci61i. a 10s aunien- 10s dc salario o cursillos de capacitaci6n cn sus centros dc trabiijo. consecucntcrnc~iic. la nlujer se ve relcvada a la categorf:~ dc ciudadana d e scgunda clase generando esto una t'alta d e confian~a en sf niisrna.

Lii situaci6n actual de la socicdad s;ilvador- cna no pern~ite que la I'aniilia se estatiilit'c. por el contrano. se desintcgrii dc1111-o > 1'ucra del p i s y en cl 1112s comun d c lus casos. la inujer queda lotalmente dcsanl- pariida por t'alta d e sus seres quer~dos.

1Hav una necesidad urgente d e encontrai- altcrnativas tanto en lo social coino cn 10 polflico y ccononiico, para la mujer co- rnicncc a superar conccpciones, tab6cs. mitos, lalsedades, patroncs, valorcs y crite- rios sostenidos a trav6s d e 10s mcdios d e comunicaci6n d e masas, para impedir que la nlujer tome tambidn un papel bcligcr~intc en la lucha por su Iegftimo derecho a participar en todos los campos de la activi- dad social y a luchar tambidn por ca111bia1- a s estructuras sociales injustas que en lii

ultima instancia son las quc mantienen cl estado d c cosas en nuestro piifs.

L1 Instituto d c Invcstigaci6ii de Id Mujci Salvadorefia. nace como una alternativa viable en la p reparac ih d e la soluci6n d c la problemAtica d e la mujcr y su cntorno social.

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Nacc en San Salvador como una instituc16n ii~il6nonia. pur iniciativa d e un grupo dc niujcrcs conscientes d e la crisis familiar que ayucja a la sociedad salvadorefia.

hi Institute) d c Investigaci6n d e la Mujcr tienc proyecciones sociales tanto rurales como urbanas a travfs de la investigaci6n participativa sohre la condici6n d c la niujer. a forniulaci6n de programas y proyectos dc desarrollo que la promuev;in y a1 iiiismo tiempo la incentiven a su integracih cons- cicnte dentro d e la vida activa del p i s .

D IMU basa sus principios fundamentales en 10s tfirn~inos que la ONU design6 conio tcmas principalcs para la reali~aci6n del Decenio d e la Mujcr (1975-1985). "Igualdad, Des;irrollo y Paz".

lg~iuldud - El 1MU vc la igualdad de la miner salvadoretia en la incorporaci6n de 6sta a la vida ci'vica, social e c o n h i c a en dondc su talento. sus liabilidades potenciales puedan utilizarse en forma plena, proveclio- ,S;) y saiisfacforia.

Lii igualdad es el derecho que la niujer tiene a la capacitaci611, a la educaci6n, a la participaci6n en la vida socio-econ6niico y politics del pats.

l>i n ~ u j e r d e 10s sectores populares, urbanos rurales cumple un papel importante en las

estrategias d e supervivencia de su frinlilia, en su socializaci6n, en su aporte a la produ- cci6n y reproducci6n del sistenia social, a irav6s dc su trabajo remunerado y n o rcmunerado, ast conio en las luchas diversas pilra lograr reivindicacioncs asociadas a las condiciones d e vida d c su grupo. Por lo tanto la mujer debc scr considerada como ser social para alcanzar su liberaci6n, la cual sc conquista a l r a v h d e la igualdad en todos 10s 6rdenes d e la vida soci.il.

Dcsurrollo - F.1 IMU considera que el desarrollo d e la mujer se da parliendo dc:

Mejorar las condiciones d e trabajo de vida d e hombres y mujeres.

Mejorar la condici6n de la niujcr en las cdrccles.

Conibatir la drogadicci6n y otros males endehlcs de nuestra socied;nJ que afectan a la joven y la mujer adulta.

. Orientar y asesorar a las niujcres para quc se preparen en la participaci6n dc ocupaciones no tradicionalcs.

. Proporcionar capacitaci6n cn lodos lob campos a la miner.

Al niismo tiempo el IMU est.1 conscicntc dc que cl problcnia del desarrollo d e la mujcr estA intimamente ligado a t d o cl proceso dc desarrollo dc la sociedad mi.sn~a y que su progrcso dependera dc la profundidad d e los cambios que se sucedan en todo el espectro econ6mico y social d e El Salvador.

Paz - Promover esfuerzos cn pro de la paz en El Salvador, es velar porque sc violen los dcreclios liumanos de la niujer y el hombre; quc no haya nids arnianientizaci6n con cl tin dc prolongar la guerra; que no liaya nids injerencia polttico-militar por pane d e otros gobiernos en nuestro piiis.

El IMU considera que p m el desarrollo del paz y para alcanzar la pais, hay que comenzar por suprimir cl principal obsthcu- lo - la guerra - por lo que se requicrc contar con la participaci6n d c todas las t u e r ~ a s vivas del p i s , pues conio proclanla- ra la Declaraci6n d e la Asamblea Cienenil d c la Mujer sobre la eliminaci6n de la disciniinaci6n d e la mujer "... La maxima participac16n tanto d e la niujeres como d c los hombres en todos los campos es in-

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. Realizar un diagn6slico siluacional d e la mujer salvadorefia con su participaci6n acliva y conscicnle para conocer y discutir su papcl y buscar alternativas d e soluci6n i travks d e proyectos produclivos y sociales.

, C;ipticitar a la miner para cpc rellexione sobre su realid:id y se concientice de l;! importancia d e su papcl en cl cambio social. cstructural, quc demanda nucstro nlonicnto 1ist6r1co.

. Concientizar a la mujer accrca de sus dcrcclios y dcberes creando programas dc protecc16n legal a la madre soltera, a las victimas del contlicto, asi conio protecci6n en lodo sentido a los nines huerfanos pot causa d e la guerra.

. Coadyuvar para quc se rceslructurc la educaci61i discriminatona. Que haya un acceso real a la n~isma por pane d e todos 10s sectores sociales.

. Iniplen~entar programas que desarrollen un movimiento cultural d e promocidn popular buscando integrar a la mujer en la conservaci6n d e nuestros valores culturales.

Estrategias

El Institulo de Investigaci6n dc la Mujer esta coi~scieiite due las accioncs colectivas dcsarrolladas hacia y por grupos de mujeres I nivcl local son el primer paso en l : ~ deter-

m1naci6n d e estrategias adecu;idtis que vayan en funci6n de sus intereses. porquc ademAs expresan el pt)tcncial necesario quc la mujer tiene para futures cambios.

El IMU desarrollar5 tbcnicas dc capacila- ci6n en las areas d c salud cornunitaria, salud mental, nutrici6n. educaci6n no formal, legislaci6n laboral, siluaci6n juridica de la mujer salvadorefia.

El IMU elaborate proyectos productivos socialcs extraidos d e un diagn6siico situacii)- nal sectorizado utilizando la metodologia dc la invesligaciOn parlicipativa.

En lo juridico, el IMU promoverA la incor- pnraci6n d c lii mujcr en 1a adniiniMraci6n publica y privada, a travcs d e una incor- poraci6n efectiva en la toma dc dccisiones. en el cstudio del mcjorainiento d e la con- dici6n juridica d e la niujcr con cl fin d c alcanzar la plena integraci6n de la mujet en un ordcii social que se base en la cornpletii igualdad y justicia soci.'il.

Se establecerAn relaciones nationales e internacionales con todos los organismos c instilucioncs democrAticas que luchan pot a superaci6n d e la mujer. Asimismo se realizarAn encuentros d e mujercs a nivel nacional con la participaci6n d e represell- tantes femeninas d e organizaciones o in- stituciones internacionales.

(AP 1703, San Salvador. CA, El Sulvacloi)

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Philippines: Community Information and Planning System (CIPS)

I 'oo many s o called developmental efforts have ironically become anti-developmental. It is not enough that projects a r e under- i iken. but more iniportantly. the people for whom development is intended should be involved in the conception, planning, im- plcmcntation and e ~ a l u a t i o n of thc projects. A review of past development strategies as \\ell ;is ii search tor more ef tedive ones is necessary. T h e criterion tor choosing the means is whether it will help build strong. sell-directing. highly participative people's organizations that can discover for them- selves the needs and resources ot their communities, conceive of ways to improve their situation, and consequently work l o g d h e r t o achieve ends that a r e beneficial to their community.

CIPS: A model for participatory action research and community education

A pilot-tested participatory research model has indications of bcconnng a very ctTcctivc developmental approach. Through the Community Information and Planning System, o r CIPS a s it is called, the people a r e taught t o d o their own research con- cerning a certain problem, and using the data gathered, t o prepare a plan, and to implement this plan.

CIPS was first applied in S u m b a p , Vicenzo S:ig~in, h m h o a n g a del Sur After the f ~ r s t cycle (11 CIPS, tlic villtigcrs of Sunib.igii embarked on a one-hectare fishpond proj- ect, the realization of which existed only in their dreams before. Several subcycles undertaken by the community enabled them to solve other community problems.

In the CIFS model, the Village Commit tee oversees the entire CIPS progress and the fieldworkers see to it that the decisions of the village committee gets con~niunic;ited to the concerned bodies. It is also incorporated that when the research committee o r the planning o r project coninlittee functions. it follows unconsciously the logic of gathering information, planning. and coming out with I concrete result. T h e consultation is pro- vided so that the entire community knov-s what the different committees a r c up to. I t is supposed that this model can be im- proved a s 11 gels tried and interpreted by ditterent communities.

This model can be operationalized when village members decide to:

. Approve o r agree that C lPS process can be applied in their community t o solve :I

particular problem.

. Form a village conimittee that will over- see the overall operations of CIPS and elect a fieldworker who shall be specifically trained on ClPS.

. Train a local research group (maybe called a core group) who shall then conduct a study on the problems suggested by the community o r agreed upon by the con>- munity regarding a specific problem each cm/ens3 group w;ints t o pursue.

, Conduct a consultation with the corn- munity to report the results of the study and also validate the information upon which the comnlunity will suggest a general plan of action.

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. Organize a planning coiiiiiiittee wlio shall refine o r niiike Hie plan 01- ;K-'~IOII. practic;il and operational in terms of manpower, timetable and budget.

. Call a consultation to submit the plan for acknowledgement and general approval of the conimunity.

. Form a project committee who may at first require technical training concerning tlie implenientation of the project which the committee will be in chiirge of.

. I'eriodically report to the community tlirougti cconsult~it~in or ;I public display of records llic progress ol the project.

. Monitor and evaluate tlie project witli respect to the degree of participation of the people, equity in distribution of responsibili- ties and henel'ils and increase in the income of the community and Us members.

. Apply the C1PS cycle to à diffcrcnt or rcl:iled problem o r issue of tlie community.

t h e main objective at tlie \illage level is to institutionalize the process of solving a problem by creating in the wllage local ex- perts in research, planning and project implementation and lor the community to lie active iind participative in every step. I 'he assisting citi~eiis ' groups are mostly involved in the initial training ot the vil- lagen and f;icilitatiiigtthe delivery of ser- vices to the conimunity.

The program

CIPS needs to be tested further in various circumstances and for various purposes. A network of citizens' groups attempts to do this, and in the process. refines the model :iccording to its experiences. 'Hie study ciititled Coniniunity hducii~ioii tliiougli I'.irticii'i:iloiy Rcse;irch is jointly undertaken liy tlie I'liilippine I'arlnersliip for the Devel- opnicnt of 1iuni;iii Resources in Rural Areas (I'HILDl IRRA) and the liilern;ilion- ;il Dcvclopt~ient I<cse;ircli Centre (IDKC).

Three levels nl stud\ /ire iiivol\eii

At the nrtwork level: PI IILDI 1RRA oversees the smooth iniplementation of projects. provides secretariat services to the network. and handles the overall analysis of the CIPS model.

At the citizens' group level: Six citizens' groups located in different regions iniple- mcnt CIPS according to their p;irticul;ir interests. These groups are the:

. Agency for Community t~duc;itioii;il Services (ACES): Nueva hcij;i. Cmtni l Luzon - Coniniunity organizing and coiitlicl resolution; . Appropriate Technology Center (A'l'C) and the Muslim-Christian Agency for Rural Development (MUCARD): Misaniis Oricii ml and Iiiiiao del Sur. Mindanao - Inconic- generatingaclivities. appropriateteeliiiolog). and wonlen's participation: . Visayas Cooperative Development Center. Inc. (VIC'I'O): Cebu - Cooperative educ;i- lion and training; . Center for Community Services (CCS): Metro Manila - Organization and education of urban workers; . Insiitute of Priniary I lealtli Care (11'1 1C): Davrio - Health and nutrition and coiii- iiiuiiily organization.

AI the villas' lfvel: The main goal of the network and the citizens' groups is to train the villages on CIl'S and to make resideiit the CIPS functions in the community. These are being done in thirty villages all over the country which arc participating in this CI1'S project.

CIPS for empowerment

Villages iiiidertakiii~C1PS are :ihIc tu gcne- rate their own da1.1 to be uscd in iii;ikiiig decisions regarding their projects. In inost discs, the projects launched by the people :U-e directed to answering their basic needs.

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'rcojects may be income-generating to supplement or provide household incomes. I'hese may also be educational, i.e. con- sciciitizatioii, iiiiproviiiged~ication programs, or holding of trainings, depending on the need. Projects that allow people to gain access to basic services are undertaken, too. such as water, electricity, health care, pre- schooling. etc.

A community that lias applied CIPS is at an :idvantage, because in the process, it gets organized and participation is enhanced. This assures that benefits achieved will be distribuled equitably. Finally CIPS makes possible tlie systematic and planned devel- opiiient of villages by the villagers them- sclvcs. Once decisions and implementation o f decisions are in the hands of the people. empowerment begins ...

PHlLU1IRRA's involvement with CIPS started in 1983 when it participated in :I

study of 19 rural villages in South-east Asia. I'liis was followed by conducting a pilot study of CIPS in Sunihaga. PHII.DI 1RRA has utilized CIl'S in a number ol its pro- gi-;iiiis, ioreiiiost ol which is the current Cll'S Cur Coiiii~iunity l-.duci~iioii througli Participatory Research.

These experiences are documented in the following publications of PH1L.DI IRRA:

. An N G O Study of Selected Villages in the Philippines

. Participatory Research Guidebook

. 1;ramework and Operation of CIPS

(I ' lIII~1)IIl~lU Sccret(~riut, 20 Josc/Â¥;,tcalc St. l.oyolu Heights, Quezon City, I'/iilippir~.s).

West Germany: Rain- forest Memorandum

The n~emoranduni, emitled "For Hie Res- ponsability and the Need of the Federal Republic of Germany for the Conservation of the Tropical Rainforests" was presented on 12 January 1989 to the members of the West German parlianient and the press in Uonn. This memorandum was initiated h! the Institute of Kfolog~' and Action Anth- ropology (INFOE) and the Arbcitsgen~ein- schafl Regenwald und Artmschutz ( A M ) . i l l now. i t is supported by 73 Gcrniuii environmental and human rights organua- lions, as well as development policy and church-based groups. For the first time a broad alliance of different NGOs could he achieved in Europe in order to confess t l i i i t

the support of indigenous people ran not be separated from the protection of the rainforests and should be achieved immciiia- tely.

The signing German NGOs urge the gov- criin~ent of the FRO and its pai~liinieiitiiri;iii parties to take their rcsponsability to pro- tect this most sensitive ecosystem o n planet earth 2nd the right'. and tlie interests ol U N

people. i~specially the German governineni should draw back its financial eng~gcinciit in different large-scale development pro- jects, like hydro-power dams o r forestry exploration. The memorandum wants to call in chancellor Helniut Kohl's appeal for a worldwide protection of the rainforests. '1lic Rainforest memo ran dun^, which goes loge- ther with the Rainforest Appeal have already been judged to serve as a model for other industrial nations.

(l-'RG: 1,ocklwiersirussc 141, -1050 MGnch- en&ahch 1, or: c/o Claus fiilcr, HQ-lc r - wcg 7, 8055 Yurich, .Yw~im-rlut~d).

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Citizens' groups develop agenda for 'our common future'

labarka (Tunisia) - Take about 150 people, many of them eiiviroiimeiitalists, from over 100 citizens' associations on five continents and keep them together for four days. You might expect t o h e x a lot about traditional environniental issues like urban air pollu- tion, but a recent meeting in Tunisia broke this mold. Instead, discussion focussed on such things a s international debt. women's issues, land tenure. genetic engineering, and the rights of indigenous peoples. "The challenge is t o s ee the animal a s a whole," said 1,aksmi Jain from India.

l 'he Conference, Our Common Future - Making I t Happen, was held in Tabarka, Iuiiisia, from 29 November t o 2 December 1088. and was jointly sponsored by the Nairobi-based L<nvironiiient Liaison Centre Intnriiitional (a globill coalition for environ- ment and development), and the Tunisian Association for the Protection of the l-n- viroiiment (ATPNE).

As its title indicates, the meeting built on l i e international interest and momentum generated by Our Common Future. a report issued by the World Commission o n En- vironment and Development ( the Brundt- l;iiid report). This report ppukirized "sustain- able developnient". the concept that economic iievelopme~it must not degrade the long term stability of natural systems. The pur- pose of the conference was to identify ways in which citizens' groups c:in best pursue the goal of sust;nnable developnieilt - tu help "make it happen".

T h e WCKO Report has highlightened a new understanding of the word "environment". As Barbara Eros from Canada put it:

"There a re n o environnient and develop- ment problems: there a r e only political and economic problems". Therefore, most of the discussions concentrated on human ;md civil rights - how all people can be involved effectively in the decisions that affect their lives.

Fo r instance, it was agreed in a vborkshop on women's issues lhat the legal impcdi- nients barring women troni lull :iccess tu resources must he abolished. Truly sus- tainable development would he inipossible otherwise. Citizens' groups can best par- ticipate in this endeavour through informa- tion exchange, case studies and training.

In a food security workshop. it was agreed that the Green Revolution must he chal- lenged in light of its economic, social, health and environmental costs. They wrote: "Agricultural systems should begin with traditional, practical knowledge of the pe;i- sants. on to which any new advances s!iould be grafted if necessary."

Parallel workshops were held o n tlic citi- zens' movement: "NGOs and the 1iiteniici.l Hcncficiary". "NGOs and National Govern- ment". "NGOs and Mu1til;iteral Agci~nacs", " N G O Networks", "Intornii~tion: Access, Disseniination and Research". These discus- sions helped participants recognize botli the capabilities and limits of citizens' groups. In explanation, Kavi Sharnia, ELCI Conference Coordinator, said: "NGOs a re dit'terent from governments o r profit-making corn- panics. Uefoi-e talking about \\hat we can d o best. we must first be clear on what makes us dilferent".

Longer workshops on more specific scctor:il issues were held. Driiwirig un themes dis- cussed in Our Common Future. these workshop topics were: "Women and Sus- tainable Development". "Food Security", "Energy", "Genetic Resources". "Sustain:ib!c Development, Peace and Security", "Pi-

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nancial Resources for Sustainable Develop- ment", "Tropical Forestry Action Plan" and "Debt Crisis".

Many of the action proposals that came out of the workshops were directed at ELC1 meniber organisations and the ELCI Sccre- tiinat. And most of thcse are consistent with the ELCl's current Three Year Pro- grr.imiiie. Proposed actions include: make scieiilific research nielhods more p.irlicipu- toiy iind m;ike tlie fruits ol reseiircli avail- h i e :it the conimunity level; create in- ternship opportunities for women in coni- iiiunity development groups: encour;ige !lie UN Food and Agriculture Organisation and l countries to join Sweden in hinging iil-iout ii 5Wi reduction in pesticide use by 1905: produce an intormation kit tor groups that want to campaign on the climate change issue; encourage local groups resour- ces and encourage local breeding; dissemi- nate inforination on the connccclioiis between peace, security and sustainability: oppose ininingiii Antartica: educate iihout ilie implications and effects o n 'l'liinj World countnes 01 the Tropic.-il l-'oreslry Action Plan; publicise the linkages between interna- tional debt and environnicntal degradation.

After reviewing thcse and other proposals. Dr Sliimwaayi Muntcmba, ELCl Executive Director, stated: "These are positive, practi- cal steps, some of then1 in line with ELCl's three year programme of action which was ilself inspired by Our Common Future.

NGOs can fake tliern. If NGOs don't, tlicy proh;ihly won't happen. And the HI.CI Secrelariat will help 'n1:ike i t hiippcn"'

Tropical Forestry Action Plan destroys forests worldwide

'1'v.o years ago, the World Rainforest M m e - men1 criticized the Tropical Forestry Action Plan P A P ) as a Tropical Deloreskilion Plan. The 'l'EAIi was promo~ed h\ !hi-' World liank. United Nations Devekipiiiciii Programme (UNDP) 2nd World Resources Institute and endorsed by the Food iind Agriculture Orgiinisation (FAO).

Meetings and documcnts from thcse bodies indicated that they were internalisingtlie criticisnis. and takinginto account ecologi- cal imperatives as well as the imperative of satislying locai needs seriously.

Ilowevcr. two years Liter, all the fur-ther ;irliculations. elaborations and implciiienlii- lions of the Tropiciil Forestry Action Fil;m (winch is presently coordinated hy Hie f'AO) confirm our conviction that this wiih ;l Plan for Tropical Deforestation and not for forest protection.

1'he United Nations Development Program- me (UNDP), one of the agencies involved in the TFAP reported in May I988 that ot 42 countries which have embarked o n national plans, none planned to engage in ecosystem restoration iiclivities so thiil forests can serve !he range of their ccolo- gical functions. Most coun ty pLins give inadequiite consderiitioi~ to the inultipur- pose use of natural forests. The report stilted tliat wildlile consen;itioii and uli1i~:i- lion. foreM grazing. medicinal and oilier plant propagation, small scale lood produc- tion, and non-consumptive use of tllc Sorest have received little atlention. The use oi natural forests by indigenous and locr.11 people is not adequately addressed in most country plans.

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While the intcrnationiil agencies might conveniently blamenational governments for the "failure", the highly advertised launching of the TFAP misled the world coniniunity into believing that these agencies had the nstrumentalities to deliver. Tliey frequently hold their plans as recipes for success. The FFAP itself claims that 'solutions arc known'. Thus, e v e n success is claimed liy t i e inlcrnational agencies while e v e n failure is ii~tribuled to the inel'ticienq and col-rup- [ion of individual counlncs.

In the case of the TF:AP, Hie positive aspects of reforestation were never incor- porated. From its inception the 'I'l?Al1 had [lie potential of causing further disturbance to the forest ecosys~cni and 11;ning grave i i e ~ ~ t i v e consequences o n llie lives of people living in and around tlie lorcst. We concluded that i t had an anti-people, anti- c c o l o 3 and profit-niakiii@ii:is. As Vaniiiina Shiva, who prepared the critique of the World Rainlorest Movement, put i t . the '1'1"AI' \\;is 'merely trcsli le~tiii'iis;ition 01 old pruprummes ol conimcrciiil iorests'

\'iii-iuus World Biink-liii;inced projects were cilecj ;is 'success stories' in tlie 'I'EAP. As ii result of our critique ;ind growing opposi- tion from environmental and forest groups I over tlie world, the World Hank had dropped these projects from their guidelines 'is successes. The tune has changed slightly "int the fundamentals remain the same. This can be clearly seen from the Forestry Action Plan for Latin America and (.arib- bean which is an adaptation of the TFAP. This Plan most seriously threatens the Aiii:imiiiiiii tropical forests.

'l'wcnt\-one million hect:ircs o i iorest ol \ni;i/oni;iii u'cr-c hurni in 1087 ;me! proh;ib Iy u p tn 30 million h e c t ~ r e s will lie des- troyed this year. World Hank lin;inced I-cscttlci~ient projects. lilrge hydro-electric

project which will use c1i;ircoal Ironi native

forest \\m>d are ripping apart and dcvastat- rng the Amazonia. According to Kennel11 Piddington, head of the World Bank's Environment Division.otficial figureshither- to used by the FAO for global tropical forest destruction are in actual tact only valid for the Amazon region alone. This was announced in Berlin in September 1988.

Yet, FAO itself extols tlie 'economic protit- ability of forest industrialization' in the region and shows optimism that this can hi; iniiintained. Annual invcstmcnts up to tlic year 2000 for the 'I'FAI' tor [..atin America and the Caribbean is estimated iit USS 3.333 to 4.187 hillion. 01 aliicti up to 707; will be directed to industrial dcv~loptnciil of the torcsls. Since Amazonia comprises almost the entirety ol the region's forests. this 'I'FAI' would certainly spell death loi the world's largest remaining lropical forest. Finiincing will largely come from multi- 1ater;il hanks, that is the World Hank and the private sector will play a cenlral role . .Lip:in's Olfici;~! Devclopmcnt As.sisl;i~icc Progranime and Japanese companies are i11ie:idy ;iccelcr;ning invcstnicnts in Brii/il l \\,;is revealed in April DK8 t l i ; l t the Japanese Intcrnational (.'ooper:itivc Agency (JICA) recommended in 1982 that s u i v e p o n Car;ljiis project be carried out secretly in order to avoid international criticisiii, JICA is in charge of technical assistance to other countries and has a deplorable en- vironmental record.

FAO proudly states that 'there arc indica- tions that financial and technical assistance for the forestry sector troni tlie major donor organisations, whether bili~teral ur multilateral, could be doubled betv>ecn 1987 and 1991'. Further, the report iissui-cs, tliiil investment by transnational enterprises c:in be v e y subslantiiil'. l.sol;iled pl;ic;~tiiii; statements of the need to cuiisidei cnviimi~- mental and other consequences which iiiay possibly be negative are inserted but their value is negligible Further co-op~ion nt non goveriin~ciitaloi-ganisationsisenvisiiged

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l'lie World Rainforest Movement iiiaintains that to-date, when plans are made globally they result in forest desti-iiction. While native forest dwellers and other communi- ties who live in mutual dependence with the forest have successfully protected the forest locally. there is no proof that forest protec- tion can be effective when it is planned from the top.

I'lie fears which we expressed two years a31 have been implemented exactly as envisaged.

(World Rainforest Movement, S7 Cuntonirtcnt Rouil, 10750 Penang ,\Ialii\s~~~).

USA: 4,440 arrests in 1988 as nuclear protest- ers carry on King's Legacy of Nonviolent Direct Action

'l think we arc in good company I ~ S ~ I C I I W

brcuk unjust laws, and I think t11o.w n'liu arc willi~~g to do it and accept the peiiiily are tliox w h o arc pan of she saving of the ll^n<.ill'

Martin Luther King. Jr.

In celebration ol Hie birth and legacy of the Rev. Martin Luther King. Jr., statistics were released in January showing almost 4,100 arrests in 1988 for anti-nuclear civil resis- tance in thc United States. An additional 340 such arrests were reported from Quitida during IWS. The total o f 4,440 includes reports o f almost K)O actions ;il

more than 60 nuc1e;ir-related sues. The vast majority were arrested at nuclear arms and Star Wars related sites, with 130 arrests at nuclear power plants ;iiid related sites.

As a result of these ant-nuclear arrests, in 1988 more than 90 people served or are serving from two weeks to 17 years in prison, while hundreds more served lesser sentences.

Despite its remote desert location, more than two-thirds of the arrests, nearly 2,800. occurred atthe remote Nevada nuclear wea- pons Test Site, demanding a conlprehensive test ban treaty.

King's legacy

' I n his last years. King had spoken out on the need for nonviolent resistance to both militarism and the poverty i t fosters, as well ;is in the struggle tor racial justice,' notes Jack Cohen-Joppa. co-editor o f the Nuclear Resister newsletter, which compiles the statistics. 'Within the last decade, the direct action wing o f the nuclear disarmament movement has most widely explored and advanced this tradition in the United States, resulting in well over 30,000 arrests during th;il time'.

The Nuclear Resister newsletter is a sup- port network for jailed :ind imprisoned anti- nuclear activists in the United States and Canada. Each issue provides timely and comprehensive reporting on arrests iind jailings otcivil disohedients, while encourag- ing support for those behind bars.. Regular features also provide analysis and c o n - nlentary on underlying issues, statements from the resisters then~sclves, and a listing of upcoming nonviolent direct actions at nuclear-related sites.

(Jack and Fclice Cohen-Juppa, Ediuirs, the Nutear Resistor, POB 43383, Tucs<q Arizona 85733, USA)

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Afrique: ENDAIIOCU au service des consomma teurs

1-e dCveloppeiiient d'un nlouvenicnt dc consomniateurs d'emcrgure mondiale est 'objectif dc ['Union 1nternation;ile des Or- g:iiiis~itions de Consoinniatcurs (10CII). 1.e soutie11 de IOCU aux nouvcllcs organisa- tions dc coiisoiiiiiiiiteurs p;ii-ticuli?rcment dans Ics pays oO Ie n~ouveinent esl r6cent revel plusieurs iispects tcls que la forma- tion. 1'iniornii1t1uii et 1c conseil

s u n s - l e notis-rn6mes" est Ie [tire ikjnnc p.ir IOCU A un document dc rcssources dcstine aux jcuncs organisations. I1 r(:unit un ensemble d'ide'es et dc prineipcs direc- teu1-s pour aider Ics dirigeants de groupcs de coiisoniniateurs faire 11011 usage dc curs ressources. Comment organiser une conlerencc'! Comiiicnl initicr un programme de lest? Comment assurer la promotion de men magaa/.ine? son1 des questions auxquel- e s ce document css~iie dc rt'pondrc. 1.c clio~x des articles recoupe plusieurs des priiicipales activitCs d'une organisation de consommateurs.

1.e articles puisent dans l'cxpertise cl lcs counaissiinces des niemhres ik' 10CU Ics plus exp6riiiient6s et d'autrcs org:~nisatioiis similaires: Ies techniques qui. ;'I leur sens. se son1 iiver6c.s les plus c1lic;ices et les moins oiicrc~ises. les pi6gcs ;'i evilcr. iiussi bien clue les idtes pour adapter ces suggestions aux IÂ¥ic.soin specil'iquts de 1'organis;ition.

"Faisons-le nous-ni6niesV vcut aider les nouvclles organisations dc consomniateurs ;I rcunir Ics aptitudes U U ' I ~ leur laut pour dClciidre et reprCsciiter cllcctivei~ieiit Ics iiitCr~ts lies coiiso~iiiiintcurs.

Ix s intcrcts des consommateurs cn Alkique s'expnnieiit diverses nianieTes. Ils s'avereiit ndissociables dans Ie long terme dc la luttc pour 1c d6veloppenient et pour une plus grande autono~nieeco~ioniiquc. Ilsiippellent. c l i e~ les consomillatcurs, une ait~tudc critique et vigilante 3 1'6gard du inodde de consonimation dil "univcrsel". C'cst ainsi clue pourra se d6gager une ligne d'action commune anx consomnialeurs paysans - qui. en memo temps. produisent pour la villc et aux conson~mateurs urhains, einrc 1cs mains desquels se trouve I'esseiit~cl du pouvoir d'achat.

Lcs ruisoii.~ d'une campape - Comment identiticr et planilicr I'action sur Ics protiiC- nies de consommation: cominent cr6c1- un reseau; comment iniluencer les a~t11ritC-i

l . c s p r w i i o i i s dc scn'iccs - Comment iiiencr une enquCle: comment realiser u n test siniple: comment d61iiarrer un service de rCcliimations: comment inlroduire 1'6du- ciition sur les questions dc consommiitioii a ~~e'cole.

/.c cvmci urcc Ie public - Coinment col- laborer avec les medias; comment produire un bulletin simple: comnient assurer l;i pro- motion de votre magazine; comment or- paniser une reunion.

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The Asian Coalition for Housing Rights

l i e A-siiin Coiililion for Housing Rights \viis created at tlie conclusion of a Regional l l:it)it.~l Inlei-niilioiiiil Corilitmn for Asia Scniin.ir in Bangkok in June 1988 of repre~,ent:ilives from citi/cns' group\ including coiiin~uiiity based organi~ations in teii ,V.i;in countries (Japan. South Kore:~, Iloilgkong. ' l~ilippines. Iiidonesi:~. hftilriysia, Thiiiliind. Ii~dui. Bangliidesh and l'akistiiii).

l l i e Co:ilition \sill bring logdlicr citi/ens' groups throughout A\i:i. I t will expend its ii~ciiilx~rshipfroma~iiongthoseorganizations ic lnely \$(irking for thc lio~ising rights of the pui >I-.

' l ie ('o:ililion is not ~ ~ 1 s t intere.'itcd in sliclter 1 1 tlic seiise of a ni;ilcriiil pli\">ic:il huili.ling I cciiiciit. hricky niiils and v>ood. Much Icss do \VC look at ;I house ;is ;I coi~~i~icrciiii commod~ty whose i i i ; i i i i v;iluc is its price- t:1g, I t is iiilcrcste~i in tlie riglits ol the poor to live in peace am1 dignity: their rights H )

I pliicc to exist. 'I'lu; group is iilso interested in the model of development prevalent in I'liird World countries as well as the market mechanisms which not only deny the poor their riglits to a place where they can exist liut iilso ignore and iicstroy the cultures (it

^M;i.

' l i e (..o:iIition commits itsell to iirticul;ile HI^ pioiiiolc tlie a\viirene.ss ol people's riglits to housiii& tlo assist tlic poor ot Asia to put i i i i end to evictions iind displiiceiiicnt ol people, to define and achieve Hie housing righl'i of all: to sh:n-e experiences ;ind kiiowlcdgc tloviirds these ends.

In oilier words. the Co:ilition can ;ilso serve ;is :I p o ~ t i v e :igent ;is ii hridge betwecn government and tlic poor in ;I process to

establish housing rights in rel:ition to people way of life in the Asian society.

The Coalition will carp,' out resear-ch and reflection on the deeper mciiiiiiigs and implications of this riglit-to-a-pl;ice-to-exist. i s well as on the forces (models ot development. market nicc1ianism.s. economic and political systems and structures) which ohstruct this basic right to decent housing m d the reiisons w h y and how llicse mechanisms function and are so cffectivc.

Our strategy will lie to articuliite in every way possible (publications, mass media. solidarity actions) the results of tins communal rellcction and research.

Our goal is to change the way people look at and tliink about h o u s i n g s o tli:il eventually governments will also see liousing 1 1 a new light; no1 :i'i :I ine:ins ol cluick profit for a few. but ;is a n i i r e ~ worlli huge (t'iii.~iicial but non-prolit) iiivestiiient. S I I ICC

security in housing is an iiidispeii.s;il'*k' means to achieve genuine iiatioiiiil security dnd development

In short, we hope. through coll;il~or~itio~i and solidarity actions with our partner coalitions in Africa, 1.atin Aiiieric;~. Norlli Anieric:~ and Europe (all a re region:il ift'iliates of Habitat 1ntcrnation;il Coalition - HIC). and through the cooperation of m;iny international and international bodies and organi/,;itions. to bring about the 1 ~ 1 1 1 in~pleii~'iitation o l liousiiig-as-a-h:isic- human-right.

(Asian Coalition for Housing Riglr~.~, 1'011 24-74, Klun~chuti Dunpku/ii, Rtinff">k 10240, 'I'hailuiidj.

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Le Centre Panafricain de Prospective Sociale-CPPS

l .c Centre Panalriciiiii de l'rospcctiveSociale (('PI'S) a elf: crfx A Porto-Now (13tnin) sous l'egide dc I'As.sociation Mondialc dc Prospec- tive Sociale dont i l abrite 1e Bureau Rtgio- niil pour 1'At'nquc.

I.'AMPS est une institution de recherche. fondcc en 1976. d e t'oriiiation et d'extcution d c programmes visant A proposer dcs rcni?dcs aux maladies sociales dc notre eiiips: explosionsdemographiclueet urbaine, rCinscrlion dcs migrants, cnvironncment. sous-di'veloppement. Caircfour dc rencontres, i-l'echanges et d e formation, Ie CPPS a pour vocation essenliellc d'etiidier les probl?nies socio-Cconoiiiiqucs G U I sc poscnt en Airiquc et de suggCrcr des solutions dans une pcrspcclivc J c Iransform;~lion 11cs conditions d c vie. I1 i i g t 6g.'ileiiicnl c o ~ i i i ~ ~ e bureau ' C t u d c s et centre d c docuii~cni;itioii ct d c ditl~isioii.

Un centre vocation af'ricaine

. ' i dcc d'eliiblir tin tel centre en Al'riquc trouve sun t'ondement dans I'iihsoluc neccs- site d c disposer sur place d'unc structure opfcitionnelle permeltant d'iissurer l'ex6cu- lion cl 1c suivi des projets. l_cs actions d e dCvcloppcii~cnt corn;ucs n o n plus dans Ics piys iiidustrialisCs in;~is diiii!, Ics pays con- ccrii&. d;ins un cn\ironncmcnt qui pcrmcttc d c conlronter Ics analyses et lcs principes ~IiiSoriqucs 3 la rkilit6. oflrent d e rneilleures chiinccs dc succ?~ .

l.'Atrique. iii:ilgrC ses di l t icul t~s con~onc t~ i - relics cst un continent porleur d e nom- Incuses promesses d'.'ivcmr. Dcs progres noii n~gligc:ihles y on1 cl6 i i ~ ~ o ~ i i p l i ~ dans lc domaine de l'autosuffisancc alimentaire, d c 1.1 siintc publiquc, d c I'urbanis:ition. dc I'ed\iciitkin .. mais i l rcstc encore 1'ie:iucoup

A faire. Un diSveloppen~cnt veritable ne peut etre initie sans une recherche cl une retle- xion pr6alables sur les causes qui intluen- cent l'evolution des soci6t6s: c'cst pourquui Ie Centre se propose d'approfondir I'etudc dcs problt'mes economiques et sociaux affectant chaque pays du continent el 'ensemble de I'Afriquc afin d c proposer dcs alternatives plus efficaces.

Pour 1e Centre Panal'ncain dc l'rospcctivc Sociale, naviguer 5 vue dans la conduitc des politiqucs sociales est un danger: I'acti- on doit Etre pr6c6dke d'une rtflcxion et d'une recherche approfondies.

C'est pourquoi notre ambition est d c cun- tribuer i repenser des strat6gies dc develop- pcment dont les limitcs sont desor~iiiiis L'tablies et d c d6passer les structures tra- ditionnelles d e pouvoir et les modes d'cx- ploitation cn usage, afin d c rnobiliser Ics ressources internes puis externes pour ; i t -

teindre une satisfaction des hesoins vitaux du conti~lent.

Programmes et moyens (Faction

Parmi les progr;irnnies prioritaires du Centre P;in;il'ricain d c Prospective Sociale l'igurent:

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. La selection rigourcusc de jeunes cadres promctteurs pour une formation d e tuturs dirigeants africains dans les doniaines de la politique sociale, d e l'6cononiie, d c la com- niunicalion, d e la protection dcs consoni- matcurs. d e la securite de l'environnenient cl dc la gcstion du bicn publiqiie.

. 1 . 1 misc en oeuvre d'un Forum alricain dcs dirigeanls d'entreprises.

. La participation aux efforts dc coopcra- lion Sud-Sud permctt:int des ^changes d'ex- periences a eficts niultiplicateurs entre pays "en d6veloppcmeiit".

. I-a participation aux efforts de dialogue et cooperation Nord-Sud dans des doniai- nes s6lcctionn6s, pour servir d'excniples significatifs coniiiie la construelion d'klui- pes scientifiques mixtes au b6n6t'ice de la s;iiitC des populations ou d c 1:1 niallrise d e ccliniques ~iouvcllc.'i dc suivie.

. i pilrlicip:~lion :lux projets de transtcrts d e coniiaissiinccs et d e techniques par unc meilletire utilisation du personnel africain comp6Ient diss61iiiii6 a travers Ie nionde.

. L'appui aux organisations non gouver- nemeiitales africaines et non africaincs qui ocuvrent dans Ie domaine du developpement et qui exprinicnt des besoins spkcifiques d'analyses. d'etudes et d'kvaluation entrant diins les prcoccupiitions du Centre.

Pour accomplir ces programmes:

reviser leur niktliodes, consigner l e u n reflexions dans des etudes pouvant etre publikes pour Ie benefice d'une plus large audience.

. Le Centre accueillera 6galciiient dcs experts et cooperants etrangcrs, desireux de niieux orienter leur apprfciiition dc 'avenir dcs peoples du Tiers Monde dans 'evolution d'un environnement internano- nal toujours plus complexc et d'adapter c u r s actions aux exigences actuelles et a la problematique du dkvcloppcnicnt 6cono- mique et social en Afrique parlicul~~reiiieiil .

Le president du CITS est Albert Tcvoedrjc. Parnii les niembres du Conseil scienlifique figurent en particulier: rniola A. Adeniyi (Nigeria); Dr. Sibusiso M. Bengu (Southern Africa); N. Gebrcmedhin (Ethiopia); Cheikh Hamidou Kanc (Senegal): Mansour Khalid (Soudan): Mahdi El Mandjra (Mi~roc); l'homas R. Odliiambo (Kenva): licrnard 1,edea Ouedraogo (Burkina Faso): Abdus Salinn (l'ukist;in);I<ukiatou Tiill (Miili) et l ~ y a e l i i Yaker (AIg6r1e).

. Dcs chercheurs, spkcialistes et respon- silbles dans divers doiiiaincs scront invites 1 ettectuer des sqours de rccyclage au Centre pour preciser l c u n connaissances.

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Trinidad and Tobago: Community Media for Development

Some 30 organisations and groups in Trinidad and Tobago have joined forces to lobby for I national media policy that deepens demo- cnicy in the society.

l'lie grouping has been narncd CoinniuniQ Mecli:i for Development. The org~iiiis:ilions i i \ol \ed represent various sectors including the church, culture iind iii;iss mcdi;i. ti-iide unions, women and the private sector.

' 'hey lit-st dime togctlier 10 m;ike :I collcc- live proposal to tender the le;ise tor Trinidiid and Tobago Television (TIT) channels 9 and 14. In discussions reliitcd to the tender, i t \\;is soon agreed that an uiiportant and rekited issue to be addressed w;is the need o r .in appropri;ite n;ition:il media policy. In this regard, it was felt lli;it TTT should not leiisc chiinnels 9 rind 14 until such a policy \<:is in place.

In response to tins concern. Coiiiniunily Medi:~ for Development has bro;idened Us activities beyond its iipplicalion to 'm'. The group has written to the Prime Mini- ster suggesting that RedilTusion's contemp- lated sale o f majority shares in Radio Trinidiid be handled in a similar way to RedifTusion's sale of shares in Radio Jami~icii during the 1970's. The form used hy the then Government of Jamaica ensured tliiit majo- rity sliares in Radio Jamaica were owned by comniunity interest groups. During June. tlie group organised a one-d;iy seiiiin;ir on I 1inpcriilive.s of a Media P o l i o in coll:ilx~riilioii with tlie Kxtrn Miiriil 1)cp:irt- incnl, l.'WI. One aim of the s c r n i n ~ r was to assist a broad cross-section of community lliised groups to iormiilate their response to llicgovernment's Driifl 'I 'clcco~i~m~~niciilions

I'olicy and to make proposals tovi:ii'ds ii

general media policy.

[Source: C r w Over, Vol 2, ?2, (,'A/?I.V1~1(', Lft~ivcrsir,' of the H'fsi Indies, Munu, KinyUfn, Jamaica].

Droit International 1990

1.c Droit international public - 1c Droit dcs Ciens - cst dn Droil. I.es Etals cii loiit unc lecture erronce. Us en devieni 1.1 n:it~irc c! le scns ; I U point d'cn rendre u pridi'i touics mentions dcri~:) i rcs , toutes ;ippliciil~~iis rnpossibles.

I.'ei~seignemciit traditionnel cl Ies org;inis;i- lions internationales acceptcnt 1c principc selon lecluel 1e droil ii1lernalion;il scrait t n ~ h t a i r e dc la honne volont6 des I'.t~its cl. d iS lors, ne soul piis en mesure dr rvlcver c d6fi clue cr6e pour chacun de nous I'cxis- tence de testes dc droit in te r i i~ t~n i i ;~ ! con- stammeiit batoucs.

['our faire lace a cctte situiition. u n groiipe de junstf i internationaus, prolesscurs. m&iccins. sociologucs, journaliste, vicnl dc cr6er un I~oniis de rcclierches privc: Droil nlern:itioii.~l 1990. aim d e promouvoir d f i etudes et rechcrclies pour dc no~i\~cllcs lectures, inlerpr6tiitions et utilisations du droit international public: de dcvelopper cc droit au r c p r d du droit intern;ilion:il liumanitairc et dcs droits d e l'liomme: dc fiiirc connaHre 1c I1roii dcs Gms et scs instruments d'application: d e puldier 1c rcsultat de ses rcclierclies.

Ix droit international est du droit

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cctte situation. Le droit international n'cst, lui, dans la lettre et dans I'esprit. ni demuni. ni iiiipuissant. Mais les Etats Ie prktendent inapplicable et la lecture qu'ils en font et en iniposent ne nous pernict pas d e nous en sen i r .

L'individu peut agir

L'une des questions prioritaires den~eure la responsabilit6 de chacun d'entre nous face aux violations quotidiennes du droit interna- tional au nom dc sa pritcnduc inapplicabi- lit6.

I A-onds d e reclicrclics Droit Inlernational 1990 soul~aile aller au-dcli des dinoncia- lions politiques, diploinatiqucs nu morales Jans lesquelles se coniplaTt la coniniunauK: des Etats, et au-deli dcs appcls rip6t6s 2 de nouveaux trait6s. I1 enlcnd demontrer que 1c droit international impose dcs obliga- tions aux Etats et aux particuliers; qu'il est applicable et utilisable ici et rnainlerlan~.

' o u r cela, Droit International 1990 cntend subciter l'attention et 121 reflexion d e tous sur 1e Droit des Gens et engager, 3 I'licure dcs cklebrations du bicentenaire d e 1789, un debat scientifique cl public sur son ap- plicubilit6. Droit Internatio~ial 1990 veut poser Ie probl?nie dc I'applicabilit6 du droit ~nterii;~tion:il en lcriiieb jiii'iifiqiii",. cl dive- lopper nottinimcnt les tli?.scs et propositions suivaiites:

Themes de recherches

. Ie droit international a un tondenlent judiciaire: les atteintes ii cc droit peuvent et doivent laire l'objet d'un examen juridi- que et done etre porties devant des trihu- naux ordinaires;

la responsahilit6 p6n;ilc et civile des pci-soniies (Etats, suciCt6s. particulicis) pour attcintcs au droit international et pour niise en diinger d e I'liunianite peut Etre invoqu£" et developpie devant des instances judi- ciaires:

. la responsabilit6 de chacun dans l'applica- lion du droit international. et Ie droit dc chacun a cetle application. ont eux aussi e u r s fondenients juridiqucs dans lcs tcxtcs d e droit international et doivent dCboucher sur une rCapproprialion, par les gens, du droit international public et d c ses inslru- ments d'application;

. 1c concept d e victimes des atlcintes au droit international et des mises en danger de l'humanit6 doit etre examine dans Ie cadre d e l'utti~~er.wlit& des l imi t s d e I'I-Ionl- me et du Droit des Gcns: et perniettre Ie d6veloppement des notions juridiques dc quality pour agir ou d'iri~irci & agir dans cc sens:

. I'ONIJ a 6 t i cr66e en 1945 dans 1e hut express6nient fix6 dans Ie I'r&unbule dc In Charte dcs Nations Unies d e "crier Ics conditions r16cmsaires an rnainiien dc la justice f t du respect des obligations nics dcs [mill's ct autres sources du droit inu'niatior~al <Â¥..)"

. les Etats ont ainsi contract6 des o b l i g - lions; non seulement entre eux ou vis-h-vis d'organisations humanitaircs, niais aussi cl want tout envers les individus au rtom dcsqueis ils ont sign6 et adopt6 la Ctiarte dc ' O N l J . an riorn dcsquds ils signent et adop- tent tous les textcs d e droit intern;itional.

Droit Internulionul 1990 se donne initiale- ment deux ans pour poser 1e probl?me, sensibiliscr I'opinion publique, les milieux j u r i d i q ~ e ~ et univenilaires a I'applicabilite du Droit International; cntrer en contact avec les organisations internationales, proposer d e nouvelles recherches ... Dans deux ails, Droit International 1990 (itudiera Ies nicilleures formes d e travail et d'action possibles: creation d'une Fondation, d'un Inslitut dc recticrches ...

(43 bd St Gerrnain, 75005 Paris, France, CL

55 rue ilc Montcl~/;i.sy, 1207 CJenive, Suiss~).

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ifda dossier 71 . mayljune 1989 sources/fuentes

N.B. Publications mentioned i n the following section are not available from IFDA but, depending on the case, from publisl~ers, bookshops or the address indicated after the description of the document.

Local space

. Ester Boserup, Woman's Role in Econo- mic Development (London: Earthscan, 1989) 283pp. This book was first publish- ed in 1970, as the first fully documented research into the changes affecting wo- men throughout the third World. Since it was first issued, it has become a classic work of reference for anyone interested in women'sstudies, development, economics or industralisation. Ester Boserup looks at land rights, marriage systems, industrial- ization and employment in Africa, Latin America and Asia. She makes the case that the change from traditional to modern economic systems hinders rather than helps women's participation in the labour force and that modernization widens the gap in levels of knowledge and training between men and women. Two decades after it was first brought out, her pioneer- ing study remains essential reading for anyone wishing to study the way in which the women of the Third World are affected by economic and social growth. (3 Ends- leigh Street, London WC1 H ODD, UK).

. Les fernmes et la modernite (Paris: Peu- pies Mediterraneens, 1988) 349pp. Les fernmes sont au coeur de la dialectique tradition/continuite/changement. Au Nord, Ie feminisme a opere une critique radicale de la famille et de la separation des espaces prive et public. I I a repense les termes de la difference sexuelle, dit les limites de la conquete des droits et de la ''neutralisation" de lafeminite sous pretexte d'egalite. Au Sud, du Maghreb a ('Iran, la revendication des femmes se polarise au contraire sur la conquete de I'egalit6 des

droits avec les hommes. L'Etat s'appuie sur cet ensemble de valeurs et cherche dans Ie nationalisme la caution ideologi- que qui rendrait acceptable Ie change- ment, a condition d'en preserver les femmes. Comment affrontent-elles Ie monde d u travail et la vie syndicale? Quelles strategies face au mariage, a la dot? Si les traditions sont en crise, quel- les recompositions sont a I'oeuvre? (BP 1907, 75 327 Paris Cedex 07, France)

. Muvman Liberasyon Fam, The women's liberation movement in Mauritius (Port Louis: Lediksayon pu Travayer, 1988) 11 1 pp. A rare book. A book born from the very inside of the struggle of the women of Mauritius. A child of love, of feminism and of class struggle. The 'Women's Liberation Movement in Mauritius' gives wide angle shots of the women's struggle in Mauritius over the past twelve years, and then zooms in to tiny details like pairs of sponge flip-flops on the doorsteps outside an all night women's festival; it introduces what the 'Women's Liberation Movement' is. what it does and how it works. During the past twelve years, when Mauritius has been rnetaphormosed, sugar plantation stagnation to savage free zone industrialization, how have women acted and reacted? (153 Main Road, Grand River North West, Port Louis, Mauritius).

. Rachel Kamel (ed), Growing together: women, feminism and popular education (Rome: Isis International, 1988) 94pp In this decade, feminists and women's groups in many places - above all in Latin America - have begun to carry the strug- gle for women's empowerment into the

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popular education movement. Their efforts go beyond a critique of the shortcomings of popular education in its neglect of gender issues. They are working to com- bine the strengths of feminism and popu- lar education. These experiences are particularly rich in Latin America. This book produced by the Women's Network of the Latin American Council on Adult Education (CEAAL) and Isis International, brings together some of these experiences of grassroots groups and educators in the region. (Casilla 2067, Correo Central, Santiago, Chile).

. Marie Eliou, La problematique feminine dans les sciences de l'education (Athenes, 1988) 14pp; 'Women in the Academic profession: Evolution or Stagnation?' in Higher Education (N017. 1988) pp.505- 524. (University of Jannina, 9 Alfeiou, 115 22 Athina, Greece),

, Rosario Aguirre, La presencia de las mujeres uruguayas en el mercado de trabajo urbano: cambios y problemas, 32pp; Cristina Torres, El trabajo domes- t i c ~ y las amas de casa: El rostro invisible de las rnujeres, 24pp; Rosario Aguirre, & Trabajadoras informales, 32pp; Susana Rostagnol, Las trabajadoras en el s e ~ i c i o domestic0 (CIEDUR, Joaquin Requena 1375, Montevideo, Uruguay).

Adriana Santa Cruz y Viviana Erazo (compiladores), El cuento feminists latino- americano (Fempress, ILET, 1988) 138pp. Esta antalogia es el fruto de El Concurso del Cuento Ferninista convocado por fernpress para estimular a las mujeres latinoamericanas a escribir y comunicarse a traves de su escritura. Que 10s lectores juzguen por si mismos la riqueza psicolo- gica, antropologica y literaria de estos cuentos. Para quienes abrimos este espa- cio, ha sido una ocasion privilegiada para coectarnos con 10s laberintos, 10s miedos y la impotencia de proporciones abis-

males que acosan a las mujeres latino- americanas en pleno final del propor- ciones abismales que acosan a las mujer- es latinoarnericanas en pleno final del siglo veinte. Pero, colandonos per las rendijas de su escr~tura, vislumbramos tambien las rebeldias, el sentido del humor, la creatividad, el desahogo, 10s resquicios, una conciencia creciente, la fuerza y 10s caminos que con dificultad empiezan a esbozarse en la busqueda de una identidad con horizontes menos opresores. (Casilla 16-637, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile).

. Ricardo Valderrama y Carmen Escalan- te, Del tata Mallku a la Mama Pacha: Rieqo, sociedad y ritos en Los andes peruanos (Lima: DESCO, 1988) 243pp. Este estudio se ha centrado en dos comunidades y un area especifica de indagacion: Yanque Hanansaya y Yanque Urinsaya, situadas en medio del valle del Colca, y 10s rituales en tomo al riego. entre 1985 y 1988 10s autores han segui- do minuciosamente el desenvolvimiento del ciclo agricola y las festividades a el asociadas, no como espectadores (tal papel, recuerdan, no es admisible en el ritual) sino como participantes. Corno resultado nos entregan el mas completo registro hasta hoy logrado del ciclo ritual de una comunidad andina en torno a la agricultura. La comprension del mundo mitico subyacente tras el manejo del sistema hidraulico permite asomar a una nueva dimension de la realidad andina contemporanea, no menos importante que la de la racionalidad economics que preside la explotacion agricola comunal, (Leon de la Fuente 110, Lima 17, Peru).

. Roger Moody (ed), The Indigenous W : Visions and Realities (London: Zed Books, 1988) Vol I 444pp, Vol II 317pp. Ranging over every continent, and in- cluding both recent statements as well as centuries-old testimonies, these volumes

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are the first attempt at a comprehensive presentation of indigenous peoples' own world views. These original inhabitants are today often marginalized minorities in their own countries. Their position is eroding still further at the hands of insen- sitive governments, land-hungry dominant communities, and transnational corpora- tions. As these volumes show, however, indigenous peoples are actively respond- ing with campaigns and organizations that are not only achieving international sup- port, but also raising fundamental ques- tions about the validity of accepted devel- opment strategies and goals. Presented here are public declarations, analyses, personal testimonies and otherwritings by native peoples. Special emphasis has been placed on materials not readily accessible. Volume One focuses on pre- sent-day struggles - against invasion of their land and against genocide; the nuclear state: mining and transnationals; dams and deforestation; racism; forced labour; and the cultural destruction wrought by monolingual schools and missionaries. Volume Two presents the positive values and world views of in- digenous peoples: sensitivity towards the environment, and alternative perspectives on what development should mean for people on our planet. These two volumes constitute a veritable manifesto of the world's indigenous peoples. They also provide invaluable comparative material for sympathetic social scientists. And for people at large, they are an inspirational alternative to the dominant modes of thinking and values. (57 Caldeonian Road, London N I 9BU, UK).

. Ward Churchill (ed), Critical Issues in Native North America (Copenhagen: IWGIA, 1989) 194pp. A collection of ar- ticles comparing the problems and issues facing the indigenous nations of North arnerica. Loss of lands and resources at the hands of the US and Canada, as well

as cultural "assimilation" policies under- taken by them, have placed Native North America in grave peril. Both the nature of the threats and the forms of native resis- tance are examined. (Fiolstraede 10, 11 71 Copenhagen K, Denmark).

. Apichart Thongyou, Simplicity Amidst Complexity: Lessons from a Thai Village (Moo Ban Press, 1988) 133pp. (230152 Soi The University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, Wipawadee-Rungsit Rd, Bangkok 10400, Thailand).

. Julian Gonzales R., Venqo con la Cor- dillera al mar: Los miqrantes aymaras en lquique, 16pp; Francisco Pinto M,, lquique una pilsener en el desierto, 20pp; Juan Podesta Arzubiaga, Te odio y te quiero: Las dudas del sujeto popular, 20pp. (CREAR, Casilla 823, Iquique, Chile),

. Juhani Koponen, People and Produc- tion in Late Precolonial Tanzania: Histoy and Structures (Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1988) 434pp. In this work based on ample ethnographic and historical source material the author examines the working of Tanzanian societ- ies and the material welfare they provided in the late precolonial period. After dis- cussing the growth of slavery and portera- ge and the intensification of war, famine and pestilence, the author concludes that the productivity of labour and material well-being were probably higher than is often realized. A clue to understanding Tanzanian precolonial societies is provi- ded by the emphasis the people gave to the creation and maintenance of social relations. Surpluses were produced but not accumulated in a material sense: instead, they were used to create new and stronger relations between human beings, thus laying a social rather than a material basis for the future. (Box 1703, 751 47 Uppsala, Sweden) SEK 180.-

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. Detlef Kantowsky (comp), Learning How to Live in Peace (Universitat Konstanz, 1988) 64pp. "The S a ~ o d a y a Shramadana Movement in Sri Lanka" by Detlef Kantowsy; "Peace making in Sri Lanka in the Buddhist context" by A.T. Ariyaratne. (Postfach 5560, 7750 Konstanz, FRG).

. Almanaque do pequeno produtor 1989 (PATAC) 94pp. (CP 282, 58 100 Campina Grande, Paraiba, Brasil).

. Anisur Rahman, Glimpses of the "Other (Geneva: ILO, 1989) 24pp,

. Promoting People's Participation and Self-Reliance, Proceedings of the Regional Workshop of Trainers in Participatory . . Rural Development, Tagaytay, the Philippines, 15-28 August, 1988 (Geneva: ILO, 1989) 40pp,

. S. Tilakaratna, The Animator in Par- ticipatory Rural Development: Concept and Practice (Geneva: World Employment Programme, ILO, 1987) 85pp.

. Niranjan Mehta, M d Anisur Rahrnan et al, Towards a Theory of Rural Develop-

(Lahore: Progressive Publishers, 1988) 417pp. The macro/micro studies presented in this book highlight the pro- blems of Asia, especially those of the Indian sub-continent. The study team, reflecting on the positive and negative aspects of development in the post war decades, had become convinced that a fundamentally different framework of thinking and action was needed begin- ning with the redefinition of development itself. (Zaildar Park, Ichhra, Lahore 16, Pakistan).

. Godofredo Sandoval Z., Orqanizaciones no qubernamentales de desarrollo en America Latina y El Caribe (CebemoI Unitas, 1988) 91 pp. (Casilla 8666, La Paz,

. Kabiru Kinyanjui, The Role of Indi- genous NGOs in African Recovery and Development: The Case for Regional and Subreqional Cooperation (London: IIED, 1988) 20pp.

. Lapika Dimomfu (sous la direction de), Probl&mes fonciers et politiques agricoles en Afrique centrale (CERDAS, 1988) 223pp. (BP 836, Kinshasa XI, Zaire).

. Esteban Krotz, Ensavos sobre el coope- rativismo rural en Mexico (Universidad Autonorna Metropolitiana, 143pp. (Apdo 55-536, 09340 Mexico, DF, Mexico).

. Ekwa bis Isal, Vade-mecum du qestion- naire de la P.M.E., Fascicule 11: "Initiation a la comptabilite et a la gestion" (CADICEC-UNIAPAC, 1988) 1 O8pp. (BP 341 7, Kinshasa-Gornbe, Zaire)

. Martine Francois, Du grain a la farine Le decorticaqe et la mouture des cereales en Afrique de I'Ouest (Paris: GRET, 1988) 279pp. Dans les regions rurales africaines, c'est encore trop souvent au pilon et au mortier que les fernmes decortiquent et ecrasent chaque jour les cereales neces- saires a la consommation familiale. C'est pour favoriser I'installation dans les vil- lages de petits ateliers mkcanisks de decorticage eVou de rnouture qu'a ete conqu ce dossier. C'est done tout d'abord un guide utile pour choisir les plus per- formants et les mieux adaptes parmi les materiels disponibles. Mais I1 detaille aussi les facteurs socio-economiques a prendre en cornpte, la gestion a mettre en place et la formation a donner aux villageois. Rien ne sert, en effet, d'equiper un village s'il ne peut faire fonctionner l'installation. Soulager les femmes et mieux valoriser les cereales locales, tels sont les deux buts de ces operations. (213 rue Lafayette, 75010 Paris, France).

Bolivia) . Helen L. Vukasin (ed), Agroforestry Sys-

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terns in Zimbabwe: Promoting Trees in Agriculture (CODEL, 1989) 48pp. (475 Riverside Drive, Rm 1842, New York, NY 10115, USA).

. The Impact of Development Projects on P O (Paris: OCDE, 1989) 114pp. The Inter-American Bank and the Development Centre of OECD CO-sponsored a seminar to examine the impact of development projects on poverty. This review of con- tributions and discussions offers potential answers to three questions: should the yardstick of impact on poverty be applied to the analysis of projects? Should donors take this criterion into account in project selection? If so, what is the best way of assessing the impact of a particular pro- ject on poverty? (2 rue Andre-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France).

. Rolando Morales, Sociedad y educa- cion en Bolivia, 89pp; Paul Rivadeneira P., Television y educacion en Bolivia, 51 pp. (CENDES, Casilla 1057, La Paz, Bolivia).

. Brahm Prakash, Yash Aggarwal, N.V. Varghese and L.S. Ganesh, Planning Education for the Future - Developments, Issues and Choices (NIEPA, 1988) 82pp. (17-6 Sri Aurobindo Marg, New Delhi 110 016, India).

. Andreas Saurer, Toubib or Not Toubib: L'etat de sante de la population et Ie systeme de soins en Suisse (Editions d'en bas, 1989) 241 pp. (CP 304, 101 7 Lausan- ne 17, Suisse).

. Elizabeth Nobbe (ed), Government Legislation and Policies to Support Breast- feeding, Improve Maternal and Infant Nutrition, and Implement a Code of Mark- eting of Breastrnilk Substitutes (Wash- ington: American Public Health Associa- tion, 1988) 75pp. Documents legislation, policies and programs that support mater-

nal and infant health and nutrition. The last section deals entirely with activities relating to implementing and monitoring the WHO Code for Marketing Breastrnilk Substitutes. The report is updated annual- ly and is available free to health prac- titioners in Third World countries and for US$5 to interested parties in industrialized countries. We welcome information from many sources and that we will gratefully acknowledge any assistance we receive. We have a questionnaire to standardize the information we collect. Readers inter- ested, in not only getting a report but contributing should contact and ask for both the report and the questionnaire: Elizabeth Nobbe, APHA, 101 5 15th Street, NW, Washington, DC 20005, USA).

. Lilia Labidi (red), Medecine, sante des fernrnes, 260pp. La sante des fernmes tunisiennes fut d'abord essentiellernent abordee sous les vocables "mere-enfant" ou "sante maternelle et infantile". La femme n'etait citee qu'en reference a 'enfant ou en qualite de reproductrice. La feminite renvoyait a quelque chose de negatif. Meres a eduquer (la principale cible des programmes d'education sani- taire sont les femrnes), fertilite a freiner (les programmes de planning familial ne s'adressent qu'aux femmes epouses), la precarite de leur sante ternoignait du statut inferieur qu'elles avaient dans une societe. Depuis les annees 80, Ie debat public sur les femmes, leur sante, leur histoire, leur participation au debat politi- que a permis I'emergence de nouvelles questions. Nouvelles questions, nouvelles lectures, les actes des journees Aziza Othmana en temoignent: indicateurs de sante et plans de developpement, com- ment s'ecrit I'histoire de la sante des femmes? place de la fernme dans la societe et sa sante, fertilite, travail, affec- tions genitales et grossesses sont inter- pelles. Medecine, sante des femmes devient un document indispensable aux

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chercheurs et a la classe politique qui voudraient comprendre ce qui s'est passe en 30 ans et un temoignage sur la societe civile tunisienne du debut du 15erne siecle de I'hegire. Sante des femmes tuni- siennes, 72pp; Adolescents-adolescentes, 196pp. (UPPS, Tunis-Carthage, Tunisie).

. lgnacy Sachs and Dana Silk, Report of the Food-Energy Nexus Pro- gramme of the United Nations University 1983-1987, 39pp; S. Diallo et Y. Coulibaly, Les dechets urbains en milieu demuni a Bamako et B, Ba, Alirnentation - energie en milieu urbain demuni a Dakar. 47+34pp; Jerzy Kleer and Augustyn Wos (eds), Small-Scale Food Production in Polish Urban Agglomerations, 63pp; Sujpachat Sukharomana, Access to Food and Energy in Thailand, 58pp. (UNUIFEN, Bureau 311, Maison des Sciences de 'Hornme, 54 b d Raspail, 75270 Paris Cedex 06, France).

. Environment or Development: a Neces- sary Choice (Amsterdam: Youth for Devel- opment & Cooperation, 1988) A guide on how youth organizations can organize a workshop on environment. It includes a detailed description of the simulation game "For Richer or for Poorer", develop- ed by YDC, as educational support rnater- ial meant to demonstrate the impact of a large dam construction on the environ- ment of a hypothetical country. (Lelie- gracht 21, 1016 GR Amsterdam, Nether- lands) Df135.-

National space

. Raja Khalidi, The Arab Economy in Israel: The Dynamics of a Region's Devel- opment (London: Croom Helm, 1988) 248pp. The Arab enclaves that exist within Israel constitute a definite economic unit. Despite linkages and subservice to the wider economy, the region exhibits a

range of independent production and consumption modes that suggest poten- tial economic viability. The author con- siders the historical background of these enclaves and the actual extent of the independent Arab sector in the Israeli economy. Applying modern economic analysis, he develops his thesis of the future development of a distinctive Arab path of economic in growth in Israel. Agriculture, industry, commerce, financing and the position of Arab labour are all examined both as independent entities and in their relationship to the larger Israeli economy. (Burrell Row, Beckenharn, Kent BR3 IAT, UK) £25

. L'Algerie: La vie au quotidien, m politique de developpement autonome - Les raisons d'un echec (Paris: Centre de Documentation Tiers Monde, 1988) 3 5 ~ ~ . , . mimeog. Apres un bref rappel historlque et geographique, differents aspects de la vie quotidienne sont passes en revue: position de la femme, habitat, sante, education, etc . . . Suit une analyse de la politique economique depuis 1962. La recherche d'un developpernent autonorne se traduit par une integration poussee a l'economie mondiale, c'est-a-dire au monde occidental, dont les Algeriens voulaient secouer Ie joug. Les mythes et illustrations qui sont a I'origine de cet echec sont analyses, ainsi que les efforts recents pour faire adopter certaines refor- mes. (20 rue Rochechouart, 75006 Paris, France) FF35.-

. Karl Wohlmuth (ed), Sudan's National Policies on Agriculture, 31 pp; Dirk Hansohm and Karl Wohlmuth, Sudan's Small Industry Development: Structures, Failures and Perspectives, 28pp; Ahrned A. Ahmed, Foreign Private Direct Invest- ment and Economic Planning in the Sudan, 24pp. (Universitat Brernen, PO6 330440. 2800 Bremen 33, FRG) Single copies of these and 8 other papers can

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be requested on an exchange basis

. Mark D. Newman, P. Alassane Sow and Ousseynou NDoye, Private and Public Sectors in Developing Country Grain Markets: Organization Issues and Options in Senegal (MSU International Develop- ment Papers, 1987) 14pp. (ISRA, BP 31 20, Dakar, Senegal).

. Frank Bracho et al, El venezolano ante la crisis (Caracas: Cambios en el Estilo de Vida, 1988) 215pp. Se adentra en las transformaciones rnas impactantes del escenario national. Los mas novedosos aspectos de la sociedad civil, las asocia- ciones de vecinos, el cooperativismo y las organizaciones de nuevo tipo en la vida politica y social, tienen en esta coleccion una ventana para asornarse a1 pais. Reune tambien reflexiones sobre las relaciones de 10s venezolanos con su entorno natural, la crisis economics y la salud individual y colectiva. (Calle Cumana, Qta CD-30, El Cafetal, Caracas, Venezuela).

. Henry Pease Garcia, Democracia y pre- cariedad bajo el populismo aprista (Lima: DESCO, 1988) 148pp. (Leon de la Fuente 110, Lima 17, Peru).

. Eugenic Tironi, Los silencios de la revolucion (Santiago; Editorial La Puerta Abierta, 1988) 135pp. El libro Le revolu- cion silenciosa del econornista Joaquin Lavin, ampliamente difundido, rnuestra una cara de la rnodernizacion. Este libro devela la otra cara: la realidad oculta de 10s pobladores, 10s jbvenes, 10s trabaja- dores y las clases rnedias, que no han disfrutado de 10s beneficios de esa revolu- cion; y lo que esta significa, rnas alla de las apariencias, para ernpresarios y mili- tares. (Antonio Lope de Bello 024, San- tiago, Chile)

. Guillermo Camper0 y Rene Cortazar,

Actores sociales y la transicion a la dernocracia en Chile" (Estudios CIEPLAN, N025, 1988) pp.115-158 (AV C. Colon 3494, Santiago, Chile).

, Enrique Sierra, El estilo de la planifica- ci6n en el Ecuador: Antecedentes, proble- mas y perspectivas (CORDES, 1988) 44pp. (Quito, Ecuador).

. John T. O'Connor and Sanford Lewis, Shadow on the Land: A Special Report on America's Hazardous Harvest (National Toxics Campaign, 1988) 41 pp. (29 Temple Place, Boston, MA 021 11, USA).

. Harold Hakwon Sunoo, O i va la Coree du Sud: Economie d'une dictature et enjeux democratiques (Paris: Publisud, 1988) 157pp. Ce livre analyse la societe coreenne dans son histoire et les condi- tions socio-econorniques qui ont conduit a sa "neo-colonisation" a (ravers les moda- lites specifiques de son insertion dans la division internationale du travail et Ie marche mondial. Les taux de croissance eleves de son economic, obtenus sous une dictature militaire implacable, ponc- tues par la corruption d'Etat et les faillites retentissantesd'entreprises, dissirnulenten realite un regime de surexploitation et d'oppression caracterise par la concentra- tion des richesses d'un cote, et I'appauv- rissement croissant des populations labo- rieuses, de I'autre. (15 rue des Cinq- Diarnants, 75013 Paris, France).

. Peter Wallensteen (ed), Food, Develop- ment and Conflict: Thailand and the Philippines (Uppsala University, 1988) 382pp. Includes "Rice, Farmers and Poli- tics in the Philippines: 1965-1985" by Eduardo C Tadem, pp.57-132. (Dept of Peace and Conflict Research. Ostra Agatan 53, 753 22 Uppsala, Sweden).

. The World Bank, Papua New Guinea: Policies and Prospects for Sustained and

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Broad-Based Growth (Washington, 1988) Vol I 144pp; Vol II 124pp. (1 81 8 H Street NW, Washington, DC 20433, USA).

. Dick Clark (dir), Recommendations for the New Administration on United States Policy Toward Indochina: the Indochina Policy Forum (The Aspen Institute, 1988) 15pp. (Wye Center, FOB 222, Queens- town, Maryland 21 658, USA).

. CIRED, La prise en compte de I'environ- nement dans la planification francaise: Evaluation et elements de prospective (Paris, 1988) Tome I: 'L'environnement dans la planification nationale et regiona- Ie", 194pp; Tome 11: "L'environnement dans la planification regionale (Aquitaine, Bretagne, Nord-Pas-de-Calais", 136pp. (Bureau 309, 54 Bd Raspail, 75270 paris Cedex 06, France).

. Karl-lnge Ahall, Marianne Lindstrom, Olov Holmstrand, Bjorn Helander and Miles Goldstick, Nuclear Waste in Sweden: The Problem is not Solved! (Goteborg, 1988) 84pp. The focus of the booklet is on the storage problem of high-level waste, or used reactor fuel; a summary of the reasons for opposition to the under seabed storage of low-and medium-level nuclear reactor waste is included. Statis- tics about the Swedish nuclear industry are given, as is an annotated address list of the Swedish nuclear industry and an address list of Swedish groups critical of nuclear power. A major part of this book is a description of public-protests and company tactics at four different test drilling sites for a high-level nuclear waste storage facility, (c10 Bjorn Helander, Sto- begatan 6C, 416 53 Goteborg, Sweden) US$6.-

. Jacques Perrin, Comment naissent les techniques: La production sociale des techniques (Paris: Publisud, 1988) 182pp. La croyance que Ie developpement des

sciences et des techniques serait pre- programme et imposerait ses conditions a nos societes est un slogan largement accepte, y compris dans les milieux scien- tifiques. L'objectif de ce livre est de mon- trer que cette vision du progres tech- nologique est fausse et que de nombreux facteurs socio-economiques, culturels et politiques orientent Ie developpement des sciences et des techniques

Regional space

. Samir Amin et Fayqal Yachir, La Medi- terranee dans Ie monde: Les enjeux de la transnationalisation (Paris: La Decouverte, 1988) 124pp. Ce livre propose une nou- velle lecture de I'histoire et des mutations contemporaines du monde mediterraneen. De I'Antiquite au XVe siecle, cette region constituait un systkme relativement cohe- rent, une "economic-monde" en quelque sorte, mais avec I'expansion et la generali- sation du capitalisme marchand, elle s'est peu a peu fracturee et a perdu une unite que I'ernpire ottoman n'arrivera jarnais a reconstruire. A partir du XVIe siecle, la region s'est ouverte a de nombreux flux incontr6lables (de toute nature: econo- mique, technique, financier, culture!, etc), impulses par les pays industralialises d'Europe, les Etats-Unis et Ie Japon, qui traversent Ie monde entier et modifient en permanence les caracteristiques propres a chaque region. Qu'en est-il aujourd'hui, alors m6me que des Etats nationaux se sont progressivement edifies et que Ie capitalisme a developpe Ie salariat et les echanges monetaires? C'est a cette ques- tion que les auteurs apportent des repon- ses en etudiant les differents capitalismes d'Etat de cette region (Turquie, Syrie, Algerie,..). 11s insistent plus particuliere- rnent sur la periode recente, qui revele de maniere evidente les forces et les fai- blesses de ces societes face au defi de la modernisationgeneraleparI'occidentalisa-

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tion du monde. (1 place Paul-Painleve, 75005 Paris, France).

. Gilbert Beauge et Alain Roussillon, Le migrant et son double: Migrations et unite arabe (Paris: Publisud, 1988) 191 pp. Le Moven-Orient et les pays du Golfe par- . . viendront-its domain a integrer les tendan- ces contradictoires qui les traversent dans des formes de solidarite acceptables par tous ou, au contraire, s'achemineront-its vers des formes socibtales de plus en plus morcellees et fragmentaires? Enfin, quel sera Ie role des Etats dans cette dynamique?

. Azzouz Kerdoun, La cooperation arabo- africaine: Dimensions et perspectives (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1987) 251 pp. Ce livre presente une analyse de la coopera- tion arabo-africaine qui constitue un exemple de cooperation entre Etats du Tiers Monde. L'auteurs analyse les rap- ports multiples qu'entretiennent deux grands groupes de pays du Tiers Monde qui tentent d'ouvrir une nouvelle voie dans les relations internationales contem- poraines par une promotion de la coope- ration Sud-Sud. (5 rue Auguste-Compte, 75006 Paris, France)

. C.G. Weeramanty, WC Jurispru- dence: An International Perspective (Basingstoke: Macmillan Distr Ltd, 1988) 207pp. Islamic jurisprudence is a much misunderstood system. This misunder- standing is due to lack of information and to centuries of prejudice. This book seeks to present information, not at present available in a single work, on the pioneering efforts of Islamic jurists to develop a comprehensive body of human rights principles and practice, as well as a corpus of international law principles. The attempt to develop such internation- al law principles long anticipated any similar work in other legal or cultural systems. Human rights doctrine based

upon the Qu'ran and the Sunna of the Prophet was expressed in terms which will strike the reader as surprisingly mo- dern, In international law, Islamic treaties anticipated the work of Grotius by eight centuries. (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hants RG2 2XS, UK) £29.50

. Edmond Jouve (dir), Albert Tevoedire, Compagnon d'aventure (Paris: Berger- Levrault, 1988) 535pp. Les 37 contribu- tions a cet hommage amical au fondateur de I'Association mondiale de prospective sociale, a I'occasion de son 60e anniver- saire, se regroupent autour de cinq themes: duel developpement pour Ie Tiers Monde?; Les contrats de solidarity et leur avenir; La prospective sociale a I'aube du XXIeme siecle; La panafricanisme en action; Qualites spirituelles de I'homme de service pub l ic ; enf in plusieurs contributions sont plus specialement centrees sur la personnalite et Faction d'Albert Tevoedjre.

. Peter Anyang Nyongo (dir), Afrique: La longue marche vers la democratic, autoritaire et resistances populaires (Paris: Publisud, 1988) 252pp. Des specialistes africains s'attachent a analyser la question complexe de la democratic en Afrique. Les regimes autoritaires tentent eux- mkmes de fonder leur legitimite sur un discours dbmocratique. Certains regimes ont parfois deploy6 des efforts pour organiser la participation populaire. Mais I s I'ont fait dans un cadre defini par les interkts du systeme en place, et - de ce fait - cela n'a donne au mieux que des resultats limites, tandis que cette par- ticipation forcee ressortissait davantage de la rationalisation de la coercition dans d'autres cas. Aujourd'hui les regimes africains - qu'ils soient fondes sur Ie systeme du parti unique ou preponderant ou sur la dictature de juntes militaires - ont a faire face a des mouvements popu- laires dont les caracteres et les rnanifesta-

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tions sont mat connus, en Afrique meme, et ailleurs encore davantage. Ces defis font I'objet des etudes attentives publiees dans cet ouvrage. Les realites du combat des peuples africains pour la democratie interpellent la theorie de I'Etat, de la nation, de la societe civile et de la demo- cratie.

. Kwesi Krafona (ed), Organization of African Unity: 25 Years On, Essays in Honour of Kwame Nkrumah (London: Afroworld Publ CO, 1988) 175pp. These essays raise and analyse the political, economic and social problems facing Africa today and offer advice for solving them. These include issues which Dr Kwame Nkrurnah stressed as forces which would hinder Africa's progress unless the continentwas united. Often misunderstood and criticised for the wrong reasons, trends after his death in 1972, such as those examined in the essays, have underlined Nkrumah's philosophy on African Unity. This publication comrnemor- ating the Silver Jubilee year of the Or- ganisation of African Unity is a tribute to this great son of Africa. (31 Grenfell Tower, Lancaster Rd, London W11 lTG, UN.

. Gerald Leach and Robin Mearns, & yond the Woodfuel Crisis: People, Land & Trees in Africa (London: Earthscan, - 1989) 320pp. Africa is more than the familiar images of people scraping a living from parched land and women walking miles for scraps of firewood, in many places, the realify is different - and much more encouraging. Local strategies are succeeding in putting the life back into the land. More food is being grown, and there is a healthy cover of new trees. Beyond the Woodfuel Crisis is an assess- ment of Africa's energy needs as well as its capacities which challenges many of the assumptions commonly made about Africa's energy future. The authors look

at that the woodfuel crisis can only be solved by going beyond the confines of the 'energy problem' to consider all the needs of the local people. Using a wide range of case studies, they describe the gains in farming, forestry and wood fuel supply that have come about through this broader, more people-centred approach, (3 Endsleigh Street, London WC1 H ODD, UK) £8.9 paperback.

. CORDES, Democacia y fuerzas armadas en Sudamerica (Quito, 1988) 379pp. Este libro es una primera aproximacion a un tema complejo y controversial. A traves de ocho estudios realizados por especia- listas provientes de 10s campos civil y militar, el presents libro examina 10s problemas y seriala algunos lineamientos de 10 que podria ser una politica militar democratica de 10s nuevos gobiernos constitucionales. (Casilla 11 307 CCNU, Quito, Ecuador).

. Comision Sudamerica Para la Paz, la Seguridad Regional y la Democracia, Segunda Sesion Plenaria 8-9-10 Junio 1988, Seguridad Democratica Regional 67pp. (Casilla 16637, Correo 9, Santiago, Chile).

. FAO, Potentials for agricultural and rural development in Latin America and the Caribbean (Rome, 1988). Main Report, 138pp; Plan of Action, 20pp; and 5 An- nexes: "Economic and social develop- ment", 145pp; "Rural Poverty", 105pp: "Food systems and food security", 104pp; "Natural resources and the environment", 141pp; "Crops, livestock, fisheries and forestry", 165pp. (Via delle Terme di Caracalla, 001 00 Rome, Italy).

. Pierre Grou, L'emergence des geants du Tiers Monde (Paris: Publisud, 1988) 304pp. La crise economique des annees 1970-80 voit Ie Tiers Monde eclater en au moins deux grandes composantes: Les

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Nouveaux Pays Industriels" et les "Pays Moins Avances". Les "Geants du Tiers- Monde" sont les groupes industriels et bancaires originaires des "Nouveaux Pays Industriels" qui sont devenus concurrents des grandes transnationales des pays industrialises. Ce phenomene d'emer- gence conduit I'auteur a s'interesser aussi aux firmes et banques des Pays "Moins Avances'.

Global space

. Frantz Fanon, Studies in a Dying Colo- nialism, with a new introduction by A.M. Babu (London: Earthscan, 1989) 181 pp. Written during the Algerian War, by one of the foremost political figures of the time, Studies in a Dyinq Colonialism has long been a classic of twentieth-century history, It remains central to any under- standing of liberation movements in the Third World. Fanon shows how relation- ships shift and cultural attitudes change as individuals and communities strive to redefine themselves, and offers insights into the social and psychological conflicts of both oppressed and oppressor,

. Johan Galtung, Transarmament and the Cold War: Peace Research and the Peace Movement, Essays in Peace Research Vl, 432pp; Methodology and Development, Essays in Methodology Ill, 259pp. (Copen- hagen: Christian Ejlers, 1988). In Research V1 Galtung develops further the themes in his book There are Alternatives! (now in eight languages), such as transar- mament and the origins and structure of the cold war. The book also discusses peace research (challengesand responses so far, and the tasks and prospects for the future), and the green movement and peace movement, in a social and histo- rical context. In Methodology Ill Galtung presents an alternative approach to the epistemology and methodology of the

social sciences, starting with an explora- tion of how christianity and buddhism shape our way of thinking, crystallized in different intellectual styles (such as the saxonic, teutonic, gallic and nipponic styles). Alternatives are then discussed under the headings of dialogues, surveys as ways of letting common people talk, theories rooted in basic human needs and forms of presentation beyond books and articles, courses and talks - such as the theater as a new style for social science (POB 2228, 1018 Copenhagen K, Den- mark). These books are available from the publisher at $40 and $30. At the same time the back volumes are available at discounts of more than 50%, with very good bargains when ordering the whole set(s).

. Marco De Andreis (a cura di) m disarmo: Per una nuova politica della sicurezza (Milano: Franco Angeli, 1988) 348pp. Questo volume esplora Ie diverse . . rnodalita del disarmo, dimhstrando che Ie alternative alla competizione militare sono numerose e tra Ioro compatibili. disarmo si sforza inoltre di ridefinire il concetto di sicurezza, tenendo conto anche di minacce non-militari, como il disastro ecologico e la crisi finanziaria internazionale. (Viale Monza 106, 20127 Milano, Italia).

. Michael Brzoska, The Structure of Arms Production in Western Europe Beyond 1992, 21 pp; Peter Lock, Towards A Euro- pean Arms Industry?, 15pp. (Centre for the Study of Wars, Armaments and Devel- opment, Universitat Hamburg, Allende- Plate 1, 2000 Hamburg 13, FRG).

. United Nations. The Non-Governmental Voice at the United Nations Third Special Session on Disarmament, New York 31 May - 25 June 1988 (New York: Dept for Disarmament Affairs, 1988) 221 pp.

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. Nicholas A. Sims, International Orqan- ization for Chemical Disarmament, 158pp; S.J, Lundin, Non-Production by Industry of Chemical-Wadare Agents: Technical Verification under a Chemical Weapons Convention, 265pp. (SIPRI, Pipers vag 28, 171 73 Solna, Sweden).

. Arthur H. Westing (ed), Cultural Norms, War and the Environment (Solna: SIPRI, 1988) 177pp. In this study, specialists from several disciplines examine the connections between military activities and the environment; they discuss the role of environmental norms, past and present, in inhibiting war, and suggest how such norms could be strengthened. The result is a contribution to the understanding of how war can be constrained and environ- ment preserved in a culturally, politically and economically diverse world.

. Jean-Paul Harroy, Les voeux pieux du rapport Brundtland (La Revue Generale, Editions Duculot, 1988) 34pp. (Rue de la Posterie, 5800 Gembloux, Belgique).

. Cynthia Pollock Shea, Protecting Life on Earth: Steps to Save the Ozone Layer (1988) 46pp. & Jodi L. Jacobson, Environ- mental Refugees: AYardstock of Habitabil- ity, (1 988) 46pp. US$4 each (Worldwatch Institute, 1776 Massachusetts Ave NW, Washington, DC 20036, USA).

. James J. MacKenzie, Breathing Easier: Taking Action on Climate Change, Air Pollution, and Energy Insecurity (Washing- ton: World Resources Institute, 1988) 23pp. (1 735 New York Avenue NW, Wash- ington, DC 20006, USA).

. WWF Year Review 1988 (WWF Interna- tional, 1196 Gland, Switzerland) 35pp.

. Walden Bello, Brave New Third World? Strategies for Survival in the Global Eco-

(The Institute for Food and Develop-

ment Policy, 1989) 93pp. (145 Ninth Street, San Francisco. CA 94103, USA)

. Khadija Haq (ed), Linking the World: Trade Policies for the Future (Islamabad: North-South Roundtable, 1988) 206pp. This volume contains papers from two meetings of the North-South Roundtable on Trade. Part I, "Policy Issues on Trade in Goods", contributors address "traditio- nal" GATT issues, including reestablish- ment of GATT principles with special reference to the export trade of Third World countries; Part II, "Policy Issues on Trade in Services", contributors consider the "new" and contentious issues on trade in services, (FOB 2006, Islamabad, Pakistan).

. Zofia Kozak (ed), Debt Crisis in the World Economy - Causes and Implications (Warsaw: Centre of International Affairs, 1988) 202pp. (Association Pax, ul. Wspolna 25, 00-519 Warsaw, Poland),

. IUED, Annuaire Suisse-Tiers Monde 1989 (N08, 1988) 368pp. (24 rue Rothschild, 121 1 Geneve 21, Suisse).

. Joseph C, Wheeler, Development Co- operation: Efforts and Policies of the Members of the Development Assistance Committee (Paris: OECD, 1988) 254pp. The 1988 Report of the Chairman of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) is presented as a significant advance in "donors" collective thinking about the problems of aid to Third World countries. In his introductory chapters, the Chairman offers his perception of the current situa- tion and of the main issues ahead. In the remaining chapters, the Secretariat reviews current trends in aid and other resource flows, and in aid policies, with an up-to- date account of current policies, with an up-to-date account of current policies (2 rue Andre-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France).

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. OECD, Geoqraphical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Countries 1984-1 987 (Paris, 1989) 348pp.

. OECD, Voluntary Aid for Development: The role of Non-Governmental Organisa-

(Paris, 1988) 154pp.

. Larry Minear, Helping People in an Age of Conflict: Towards a New Professional- ism in US Voluntary Humanitarian Assis-

(New York: InterAction, 1988) 104pp. 200 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10003, USA) $6.50.

. UNESCO, International Migration Today (Paris, 1988). Volume I: "Trends and Prospects", takes stock of international population movements as they affect the different major regions of the world and focuses on the evolution of migratory flows over time in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, the Arab States, Latin America, the Caribbean, and North America and West- ern Europe. Volume 11: "Emerging Issues', takes very much an issue-oriented ap- proach to the subject. While its content by no means exhausts the array of issues of concern to those interested in international migration, it does deal in some depth with what would be considered the more pressing issues: links between internal and international migration, insertion of immigrant labour into the receiving coun- tr'y economy, the problems of socio- cultural adaption of immigrants and their children, the effects of immmigration on women, the impact of emigration and return upon the sending countries, and the future prospects for international migration. (7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris, France) FF320.-

17 December 1985 (Sales NCGV.E.86.O.3). With papers by, among others, Maurice Bertrand, Georges Abi-Saab, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Antonio Donini, Pierre de Senarclens & Havelock R. Brewster.

. Johan Kaufmann, Conference Diploma- cy: An Introductory Analysis (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1988) 208pp. This fully revised second edition of Ambassador Kaufmann's reference book, Conference Diplomacy, present a comprehensive analysis of diplomacy as carried out in intergovernmental conferences. The au- thor, who served for 17 years as head or member of the Permanent Missions of the Netherlands in New York and Geneva, reviews the role and functions of principal actors in conference diplomacy: delega- tions, conference presidents and secreta- riats, in particular the heads of secreta- riats, groups of governments, their actions and interactions, the way they operate and negotiate are described, with examples taken from a wide array of different or- ganizations and conferences. (POB 163, 3300 AD Dordrecht, Netherlands) $32.50

. United Nations, Is Universality in Jeo- m? Report of a symposium organized by the United Nations in connection with the commermoration of the fortieth an- niversary of the Organization, Geneva 16-

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s t e e r l n g c o r n f i t t e e : i s m a i l - s a b r i a b d a l l a , ahr-ed ben s a l a h , gamani c o r e ? , ;a:; - e i j * r , mart

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